[
{
"path": ".github/FUNDING.yml",
"content": "ko_fi: thecodrr\n"
},
{
"path": ".github/workflows/run-tests.yml",
"content": "name: Run tests\n\non:\n pull_request:\n push:\n branches: [master]\n\njobs:\n test:\n runs-on: ${{ matrix.os }}\n\n strategy:\n matrix:\n node-version: [14.x, 16.x, 18.x]\n os: [ubuntu-latest, macos-latest, windows-latest]\n\n steps:\n - uses: actions/checkout@v2\n - name: Use Node.js ${{ matrix.node-version }}\n uses: actions/setup-node@v2\n with:\n node-version: ${{ matrix.node-version }}\n check-latest: true\n - run: npm i\n - run: npm run test\n env:\n CI: true\n"
},
{
"path": ".gitignore",
"content": "coverage/\nnode_modules/\ndist/"
},
{
"path": ".npmignore",
"content": "*\n!dist/**/**"
},
{
"path": "LICENSE",
"content": "MIT License\n\nCopyright (c) 2023 Abdullah Atta\n\nPermission is hereby granted, free of charge, to any person obtaining a copy\nof this software and associated documentation files (the \"Software\"), to deal\nin the Software without restriction, including without limitation the rights\nto use, copy, modify, merge, publish, distribute, sublicense, and/or sell\ncopies of the Software, and to permit persons to whom the Software is\nfurnished to do so, subject to the following conditions:\n\nThe above copyright notice and this permission notice shall be included in all\ncopies or substantial portions of the Software.\n\nTHE SOFTWARE IS PROVIDED \"AS IS\", WITHOUT WARRANTY OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR\nIMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO THE WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY,\nFITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE AND NONINFRINGEMENT. IN NO EVENT SHALL THE\nAUTHORS OR COPYRIGHT HOLDERS BE LIABLE FOR ANY CLAIM, DAMAGES OR OTHER\nLIABILITY, WHETHER IN AN ACTION OF CONTRACT, TORT OR OTHERWISE, ARISING FROM,\nOUT OF OR IN CONNECTION WITH THE SOFTWARE OR THE USE OR OTHER DEALINGS IN THE\nSOFTWARE.\n"
},
{
"path": "README.md",
"content": "\n ![](\"https://raw.githubusercontent.com/thecodrr/alfaaz/master/assets/alfaaz.jpg\")
\n
\n\nAlfaaz
\n\nAlfaaz is the fastest multilingual word counter that can count millions of words per second (up to 0.9 GB/s 100x faster than RegExp based solutions). It has built-in support for CJK texts & words in many different languages such as Urdu & Arabic.\n\n## Features:\n\n⚡**The fastest**: `alfaaz` can count millions of words per second. There's nothing in the NodeJS/JavaScript world that can come even close.\n\n🈸 **Multilingual**: `alfaaz` support counting words in multiple languages like Chinese, Japanese etc.\n\n🧪 100% tested TypeScript code\n\n♾️ 0 dependencies\n\n🪶 Lightweight (< 1KB)\n\n## Installation\n\n`alfaaz` can be installed using your favorite package manager:\n\n```bash\n# npm:\nnpm i alfaaz\n\n# yarn:\nyarn add alfaaz\n\n# pnpm:\npnpm i alfaaz\n\n# bun:\nbun install alfaaz\n```\n\n## Usage\n\n`alfaaz` exposes only 2 functions:\n\n### 1. `countWords(text: string) => number`\n\nThis function takes a `string` as input and returns the total number of words in the text.\n\n### 2. `countLines(text: string) => number`\n\nThis function takes a `string` as input and returns the total number of lines in the text.\n\n### Example\n\n```ts\nimport { countWords, countLines } from \"alfaaz\";\n\nconst text = \"my example text.\";\n\nconst totalWords = countWords(text);\nconst totalLines = countLines(text);\n```\n\n## Benchmarks\n\nThe code for these benchmarks can be found in [`benches/`](/benches/). You can also run these benchmarks yourself:\n\n```\nnpm run bench\n```\n\n**Count lines:**\n\nTotal lines: 9923 \nFile size (bytes): 613838 \nFile length (chars): 611767\n\n| Task name | ops/s | GB/s |\n| --------- | ------------------ | ------------------ |\n| alfaaz | 3514.632761145021 | 2.0094593707472086 |\n| split | 1737.3269435409347 | 0.9930102210491896 |\n| regex | 2325.0174924363723 | 1.3291587587445974 |\n\n**Count words (no CJK, only English)::**\n\nTotal words: 111013 \nFile size (bytes): 613838 \nFile length (chars): 611767\n\n| Task name | ops/s | GB/s | Words/s |\n| --------- | ------------------ | -------------------- | ------------ |\n| alfaaz | 389.92325817817687 | 0.22295566275715828 | 43.2 million |\n| regex | 85.92392297420068 | 0.049164582043886185 | 9.53 million |\n\n**Count words (CJK + English)::**\n\nTotal words: 180318 \nFile size (bytes): 647964 \nFile length (chars): 223368\n\n| Task name | ops/s | GB/s | Words/s |\n| --------- | ------------------ | ------------------- | ------------- |\n| alfaaz | 1164.1081011893878 | 0.7024315148591995 | 209.9 million |\n| regex | 78.97780608550106 | 0.04767361655831337 | 14.24 million |\n\n**Machine specs:**\n\n```\nProcessor: Intel(R) Core(TM) i7-10610U CPU @ 1.80GHz (8 CPUs), ~2.3GHz\nMemory: 24576MB RAM\nSSD: SAMSUNG MZVLW256HEHP-000L7\nNode: v18.15.0\n```\n\n## Use case\n\n`alfaaz` was born out of need. I needed to count words (and fast!) in [Notesnook](https://github.com/streetwriters/notesnook) as the user types in the editor. Traditional `RegExp` based solutions became noticeably slower after 10K words.\n\nCounting words is not an uncommon need. Having a fast word counter can greatly increase your productivity. Ultimately the goal is to make all software operate without you having to wait for it.\n\nAt its current speed, `alfaaz` can easily handle millions of words per second.\n\n## What's the secret sauce?\n\n> **TLDR;** Bitmaps.\n\nIn all honesty, the approach I have used is one of the slowest (if not _the_ slowest ones). Word counting is a problem best solved by using SIMD because going through the text 1 character at a time is going to be ultra slow no matter what magic you do.\n\nHowever, since we do not have SIMD in JavaScript (or a way to coerce the JIT into doing SIMD for us), I had to resort to doing as little work as possible inside the loop.\n\nA simple word counter can be implemented in 5 lines by just incrementing a counter when you come across a space. It'd look something like this:\n\n```ts\nconst text = \"hello world\";\nlet count = 0;\nfor (let i = 0; i < text.length; ++i) {\n count += text[i] === \" \";\n}\n```\n\nThe above code operates at only 0.494 GB/s. Not as big a difference from `alfaaz` as you might expect considering how much simpler the solution is.\n\nThe problem is, the requirements for a word counter are not simple:\n\n1. Consecutive word separators must be considered as 1 word (e.g. `hello world` is 2 words)\n2. Must be able to count CJK words (in CJK we count each character as 1 word since there are no spaces between words).\n3. Must be able to use multiple characters as word separators (e.g. space, newline, asterick are all word separators).\n4. Must not take too much memory\n\nSolving all these problems means sacrificing on a lot of performance because you will have to do more work. More work = less speed.\n\nThe best solution I could come up with (and there might certainly be better solutions) is to use a Bitmap where each bit's index represents a Unicode codepoint & the value of the bit represents whether it is a separator or not. A first implementation might look like this:\n\n```ts\nconst bitmap = { 32: 1 }; // codepoint for space is 32\n\nconst text = \"hello world\";\nlet count = 0;\nfor (let i = 0; i < text.length; ++i) {\n count += bitmap[text.codePointAt(i)];\n}\n```\n\nThis brings us down to 0.194 GB/s. Using a Bitmap allows us to support an arbitrary number of word separators. Sounds nice but using an `Object` for this takes up way too much memory especially for thousands upon thousands of codepoints for detecting CJK characters.\n\nA better solution would be to use a `Uint8Array` but instead of using up 1 byte per codepoint, we can use 1 bit reducing our memory footprint by 8x. In code, it'd look like this:\n\n```ts\nconst BYTE_SIZE = 8; // a byte is 8 bits\nconst LENGTH = 32 / BYTE_SIZE;\nconst bitmap = new Uint8Array(LENGTH + 1);\n\nconst charCode = 32;\nconst byteIndex = Math.floor(charCode / BYTE_SIZE);\nconst bitIndex = charCode % BYTE_SIZE;\nbitmap[byteIndex] = bitmap[byteIndex] ^ (1 << bitIndex);\n```\n\nWe fill up the Bitmap once on program startup and then use it for all our word counting needs:\n\n```ts\nconst text = \"hello world\";\nlet count = 0;\nfor (let i = 0; i < text.length; ++i) {\n const charCode = text.charCodeAt(i);\n const byteIndex = Math.floor(charCode / BYTE_SIZE);\n const bitIndex = charCode % BYTE_SIZE;\n\n count += (bitmap[byteIndex] >> bitIndex) & 1;\n}\n```\n\nThis allows us to greatly reduce the memory footprint (from 32 bytes to 4 bytes) and we also see a solid jump in performance: from 0.194 GB/s to 0.221 GB/s.\n\nIn conclusion, the secret sauce here is using Bitmaps.\n\n### Why not use `Uint16Array` or `Uint32Array`?\n\nThere's no difference in speed or memory between these different `TypedArrays`.\n\n### Why is `RegExp` so slow?\n\nFirst because `RegExp` runs in its own VM (which has an overhead) and second, because it needs to support all sorts of stuff like group matching, greedy matching etc.\n\nIn most cases, you'll find a handwritten solution much faster than `RegExp` (always do benchmarking to make sure!).\n\nIn a few words, `RegExp` does more work to accomplish the same goals.\n\n### What about SIMD?\n\nI am no expert in SIMD but I did find [fastlwc](https://github.com/expr-fi/fastlwc) which uses SIMD to get mind boggling speeds. However, it is very simple and only considers spaces as words. I am not sure if it is even possible or feasible to support multiple word separators while using SIMD.\n\n### Can this be made faster by using WebAssembly?\n\nI haven't done any benchmarking but sending the text to WebAssembly runtime again and again must have a significant overhead. Someone should write up a solution to see how it fares though.\n\n### What about parallelization?\n\nI don't think the workload is well-suited for parallelization. For one, even the slowest solution is way faster than spinning up a worker. Secondly, transferring data to a worker would take longer than the actual processing.\n\nI may be wrong so do your own testing.\n\n### How does this compare to `wc`?\n\n`alfaaz` is much, much slower. Here's a quick benchmark I did with the Rust based `coreutils`.\n\n```\nBenchmark 1: coreutils wc -w .\\benches\\data\\gulliver.txt\n Time (mean ± σ): 21.2 ms ± 1.7 ms [User: 2.5 ms, System: 5.2 ms]\n Range (min … max): 18.1 ms … 27.4 ms 73 runs\n\nBenchmark 2: node test.js\n Time (mean ± σ): 131.3 ms ± 9.1 ms [User: 31.3 ms, System: 22.3 ms]\n Range (min … max): 123.4 ms … 151.2 ms 20 runs\n\nSummary\n 'coreutils wc -w .\\benches\\data\\gulliver.txt' ran\n 6.18 ± 0.65 times faster than 'node test.js'\n```\n\nThis is to be expected since just the startup time of NodeJS is > 21ms.\n\n## A note on multilingual support\n\nWhile `alfaaz` tries to be multilingual, it doesn't accurately understand word boundaries and fallbacks to counting characters. Where this differs from `str.length` is how it supports counting words in multiple languages in the same text so if you gave `alfaaz` some text that had a mix of Chinese, Korean, English & Urdu, it will still work.\n\nWith that said, if you are a native speaker and know of a more accurate way to count words in your language, open an issue so we can discuss it further.\n\n## Other projects\n\n1. [fdir](https://github.com/thecodrr/fdir) - The fastest NodeJS directory crawler & globber.\n"
},
{
"path": "benches/data/art-of-war.txt",
"content": "始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n始计:\n孙子曰：兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。始计:\n故经之以五事，校之以计，而索其情，一曰道，二曰天，三曰地，四曰将，五曰法。始计:\n道者，令民与上同意也，可与之死，可与之生，而不畏危。天者，阴阳，寒暑，时制也。地者，远近，险易，广狭，死生也。将者，智，信，仁，勇，严也。法者，曲制，官道，主用也。凡此五者，将莫不闻，知之者胜，不知者不胜。始计:\n故校之以计，而索其情。曰：主孰有道，将孰有能，天地孰得，法令孰行，兵众孰强，士卒孰练，赏罚孰明，吾以此知胜负矣。将听吾计，用之必胜，留之；将不听吾计，用之必败，去之。始计:\n计利以听，乃为之势，以佐其外；势者，因利而制权也。始计:\n兵者，诡道也。故能而示之不能，用而示之不用，近而示之远，远而示之近。利而诱之，乱而取之，实而备之，强而避之，怒而挠之，卑而骄之，佚而劳之，亲而离之。攻其无备，出其不意，此兵家之胜，不可先传也。始计:\n夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也；未战而庙算不胜者，得算少也；多算胜，少算不胜，而况于无算乎？吾以此观之，胜负见矣。\n作战:\n孙子曰：凡用兵之法，驰车千驷，革车千乘，带甲十万；千里馈粮，则内外之费宾客之用，胶漆之材，车甲之奉，日费千金，然后十万之师举矣。作战:\n其用战也，胜久则钝兵挫锐，攻城则力屈，久暴师则国用不足。夫钝兵，挫锐，屈力，殚货，则诸侯乘其弊而起，虽有智者，不能善其后矣！故兵闻拙速，未睹巧之久也；夫兵久而国利者，未之有也。作战:\n故不尽知用兵之害者，则不能尽知用兵之利也。善用兵者，役不再籍，粮不三载，取用于国，因粮于敌，故军食可足也。国之贫于师者远输，远输则百姓贫，近于师者贵卖，贵卖则百姓财竭，财竭则急于丘役，力屈财殚，中原内虚于家，百姓之费，十去其七，公家之费，破车罢马，甲胄矢弩，戟楯蔽橹，丘牛大车，十去其六。作战:\n故智将务食于敌，食敌一锺，当吾二十锺，𦮼秆一石，当我二十石。故杀敌者怒也，取敌之利者货也。故车战，得车十乘以上，赏其先得者，而更其旌旗，车杂而乘之，卒善而养之，是谓胜敌而益强。作战:\n故兵贵胜，不贵久；故知兵之将，民之司命，国家安危之主也。\n\nabc abc hello\n\n"
},
{
"path": "benches/data/gulliver.txt",
"content": "The Project Gutenberg eBook of Gulliver’s Travels, by Jonathan Swift\n\nThis eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and\nmost other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions\nwhatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms\nof the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at\nwww.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you\nwill have to check the laws of the country where you are located before\nusing this eBook.\n\nTitle: Gulliver’s Travels\n into several remote nations of the world\n\nAuthor: Jonathan Swift\n\nRelease Date: February 20, 1997 [eBook #829]\n[Most recently updated: August 17, 2021]\n\nLanguage: English\n\nCharacter set encoding: UTF-8\n\nProduced by: David Price\n\n*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GULLIVER’S TRAVELS ***\n\n\n\n\nGULLIVER’S TRAVELS\n\ninto several\n\nREMOTE NATIONS OF THE WORLD\n\n\nBY JONATHAN SWIFT, D.D.,\n\ndean of st. patrick’s, dublin.\n\n[_First published in_ 1726–7.]\n\ncover \n\nContents\n\n\n THE PUBLISHER TO THE READER.\n A LETTER FROM CAPTAIN GULLIVER TO HIS COUSIN SYMPSON.\n PART I. A VOYAGE TO LILLIPUT.\n PART II. A VOYAGE TO BROBDINGNAG.\n PART III. A VOYAGE TO LAPUTA, BALNIBARBI, GLUBBDUBDRIB, LUGGNAGG AND JAPAN.\n PART IV. A VOYAGE TO THE COUNTRY OF THE HOUYHNHNMS.\n\n\nTHE PUBLISHER TO THE READER.\n\n[_As given in the original edition_.]\n\n\nThe author of these Travels, Mr. Lemuel Gulliver, is my ancient and\nintimate friend; there is likewise some relation between us on the\nmother’s side. About three years ago, Mr. Gulliver growing weary of the\nconcourse of curious people coming to him at his house in Redriff, made\na small purchase of land, with a convenient house, near Newark, in\nNottinghamshire, his native country; where he now lives retired, yet in\ngood esteem among his neighbours.\n\nAlthough Mr. Gulliver was born in Nottinghamshire, where his father\ndwelt, yet I have heard him say his family came from Oxfordshire; to\nconfirm which, I have observed in the churchyard at Banbury in that\ncounty, several tombs and monuments of the Gullivers.\n\nBefore he quitted Redriff, he left the custody of the following papers\nin my hands, with the liberty to dispose of them as I should think fit.\nI have carefully perused them three times. The style is very plain and\nsimple; and the only fault I find is, that the author, after the manner\nof travellers, is a little too circumstantial. There is an air of truth\napparent through the whole; and indeed the author was so distinguished\nfor his veracity, that it became a sort of proverb among his neighbours\nat Redriff, when any one affirmed a thing, to say, it was as true as if\nMr. Gulliver had spoken it.\n\nBy the advice of several worthy persons, to whom, with the author’s\npermission, I communicated these papers, I now venture to send them\ninto the world, hoping they may be, at least for some time, a better\nentertainment to our young noblemen, than the common scribbles of\npolitics and party.\n\nThis volume would have been at least twice as large, if I had not made\nbold to strike out innumerable passages relating to the winds and\ntides, as well as to the variations and bearings in the several\nvoyages, together with the minute descriptions of the management of the\nship in storms, in the style of sailors; likewise the account of\nlongitudes and latitudes; wherein I have reason to apprehend, that Mr.\nGulliver may be a little dissatisfied. But I was resolved to fit the\nwork as much as possible to the general capacity of readers. However,\nif my own ignorance in sea affairs shall have led me to commit some\nmistakes, I alone am answerable for them. And if any traveller hath a\ncuriosity to see the whole work at large, as it came from the hands of\nthe author, I will be ready to gratify him.\n\nAs for any further particulars relating to the author, the reader will\nreceive satisfaction from the first pages of the book.\n\n\n RICHARD SYMPSON.\n\n\nA LETTER FROM CAPTAIN GULLIVER TO HIS COUSIN SYMPSON.\n\nWritten in the Year 1727.\n\nI hope you will be ready to own publicly, whenever you shall be called\nto it, that by your great and frequent urgency you prevailed on me to\npublish a very loose and uncorrect account of my travels, with\ndirections to hire some young gentleman of either university to put\nthem in order, and correct the style, as my cousin Dampier did, by my\nadvice, in his book called “A Voyage round the world.” But I do not\nremember I gave you power to consent that any thing should be omitted,\nand much less that any thing should be inserted; therefore, as to the\nlatter, I do here renounce every thing of that kind; particularly a\nparagraph about her majesty Queen Anne, of most pious and glorious\nmemory; although I did reverence and esteem her more than any of human\nspecies. But you, or your interpolator, ought to have considered, that\nit was not my inclination, so was it not decent to praise any animal of\nour composition before my master _Houyhnhnm_: And besides, the fact was\naltogether false; for to my knowledge, being in England during some\npart of her majesty’s reign, she did govern by a chief minister; nay\neven by two successively, the first whereof was the lord of Godolphin,\nand the second the lord of Oxford; so that you have made me say the\nthing that was not. Likewise in the account of the academy of\nprojectors, and several passages of my discourse to my master\n_Houyhnhnm_, you have either omitted some material circumstances, or\nminced or changed them in such a manner, that I do hardly know my own\nwork. When I formerly hinted to you something of this in a letter, you\nwere pleased to answer that you were afraid of giving offence; that\npeople in power were very watchful over the press, and apt not only to\ninterpret, but to punish every thing which looked like an _innuendo_\n(as I think you call it). But, pray how could that which I spoke so\nmany years ago, and at about five thousand leagues distance, in another\nreign, be applied to any of the _Yahoos_, who now are said to govern\nthe herd; especially at a time when I little thought, or feared, the\nunhappiness of living under them? Have not I the most reason to\ncomplain, when I see these very _Yahoos_ carried by _Houyhnhnms_ in a\nvehicle, as if they were brutes, and those the rational creatures? And\nindeed to avoid so monstrous and detestable a sight was one principal\nmotive of my retirement hither.\n\nThus much I thought proper to tell you in relation to yourself, and to\nthe trust I reposed in you.\n\nI do, in the next place, complain of my own great want of judgment, in\nbeing prevailed upon by the entreaties and false reasoning of you and\nsome others, very much against my own opinion, to suffer my travels to\nbe published. Pray bring to your mind how often I desired you to\nconsider, when you insisted on the motive of public good, that the\n_Yahoos_ were a species of animals utterly incapable of amendment by\nprecept or example: and so it has proved; for, instead of seeing a full\nstop put to all abuses and corruptions, at least in this little island,\nas I had reason to expect; behold, after above six months warning, I\ncannot learn that my book has produced one single effect according to\nmy intentions. I desired you would let me know, by a letter, when party\nand faction were extinguished; judges learned and upright; pleaders\nhonest and modest, with some tincture of common sense, and Smithfield\nblazing with pyramids of law books; the young nobility’s education\nentirely changed; the physicians banished; the female _Yahoos_\nabounding in virtue, honour, truth, and good sense; courts and levees\nof great ministers thoroughly weeded and swept; wit, merit, and\nlearning rewarded; all disgracers of the press in prose and verse\ncondemned to eat nothing but their own cotton, and quench their thirst\nwith their own ink. These, and a thousand other reformations, I firmly\ncounted upon by your encouragement; as indeed they were plainly\ndeducible from the precepts delivered in my book. And it must be owned,\nthat seven months were a sufficient time to correct every vice and\nfolly to which _Yahoos_ are subject, if their natures had been capable\nof the least disposition to virtue or wisdom. Yet, so far have you been\nfrom answering my expectation in any of your letters; that on the\ncontrary you are loading our carrier every week with libels, and keys,\nand reflections, and memoirs, and second parts; wherein I see myself\naccused of reflecting upon great state folk; of degrading human nature\n(for so they have still the confidence to style it), and of abusing the\nfemale sex. I find likewise that the writers of those bundles are not\nagreed among themselves; for some of them will not allow me to be the\nauthor of my own travels; and others make me author of books to which I\nam wholly a stranger.\n\nI find likewise that your printer has been so careless as to confound\nthe times, and mistake the dates, of my several voyages and returns;\nneither assigning the true year, nor the true month, nor day of the\nmonth: and I hear the original manuscript is all destroyed since the\npublication of my book; neither have I any copy left: however, I have\nsent you some corrections, which you may insert, if ever there should\nbe a second edition: and yet I cannot stand to them; but shall leave\nthat matter to my judicious and candid readers to adjust it as they\nplease.\n\nI hear some of our sea _Yahoos_ find fault with my sea-language, as not\nproper in many parts, nor now in use. I cannot help it. In my first\nvoyages, while I was young, I was instructed by the oldest mariners,\nand learned to speak as they did. But I have since found that the sea\n_Yahoos_ are apt, like the land ones, to become new-fangled in their\nwords, which the latter change every year; insomuch, as I remember upon\neach return to my own country their old dialect was so altered, that I\ncould hardly understand the new. And I observe, when any _Yahoo_ comes\nfrom London out of curiosity to visit me at my house, we neither of us\nare able to deliver our conceptions in a manner intelligible to the\nother.\n\nIf the censure of the _Yahoos_ could any way affect me, I should have\ngreat reason to complain, that some of them are so bold as to think my\nbook of travels a mere fiction out of mine own brain, and have gone so\nfar as to drop hints, that the _Houyhnhnms_ and _Yahoos_ have no more\nexistence than the inhabitants of Utopia.\n\nIndeed I must confess, that as to the people of _Lilliput_,\n_Brobdingrag_ (for so the word should have been spelt, and not\nerroneously _Brobdingnag_), and _Laputa_, I have never yet heard of any\n_Yahoo_ so presumptuous as to dispute their being, or the facts I have\nrelated concerning them; because the truth immediately strikes every\nreader with conviction. And is there less probability in my account of\nthe _Houyhnhnms_ or _Yahoos_, when it is manifest as to the latter,\nthere are so many thousands even in this country, who only differ from\ntheir brother brutes in _Houyhnhnmland_, because they use a sort of\njabber, and do not go naked? I wrote for their amendment, and not their\napprobation. The united praise of the whole race would be of less\nconsequence to me, than the neighing of those two degenerate\n_Houyhnhnms_ I keep in my stable; because from these, degenerate as\nthey are, I still improve in some virtues without any mixture of vice.\n\nDo these miserable animals presume to think, that I am so degenerated\nas to defend my veracity? _Yahoo_ as I am, it is well known through all\n_Houyhnhnmland_, that, by the instructions and example of my\nillustrious master, I was able in the compass of two years (although I\nconfess with the utmost difficulty) to remove that infernal habit of\nlying, shuffling, deceiving, and equivocating, so deeply rooted in the\nvery souls of all my species; especially the Europeans.\n\nI have other complaints to make upon this vexatious occasion; but I\nforbear troubling myself or you any further. I must freely confess,\nthat since my last return, some corruptions of my _Yahoo_ nature have\nrevived in me by conversing with a few of your species, and\nparticularly those of my own family, by an unavoidable necessity; else\nI should never have attempted so absurd a project as that of reforming\nthe _Yahoo_ race in this kingdom; but I have now done with all such\nvisionary schemes for ever.\n\n_April_ 2, 1727\n\n\nPART I. A VOYAGE TO LILLIPUT.\n\n\nCHAPTER I.\n\nThe author gives some account of himself and family. His first\ninducements to travel. He is shipwrecked, and swims for his life, gets\nsafe on shore in the country of Lilliput; is made a prisoner, and\ncarried up the country.\n\n\nMy father had a small estate in Nottinghamshire; I was the third of\nfive sons. He sent me to Emanuel College in Cambridge at fourteen years\nold, where I resided three years, and applied myself close to my\nstudies; but the charge of maintaining me, although I had a very scanty\nallowance, being too great for a narrow fortune, I was bound apprentice\nto Mr. James Bates, an eminent surgeon in London, with whom I continued\nfour years. My father now and then sending me small sums of money, I\nlaid them out in learning navigation, and other parts of the\nmathematics, useful to those who intend to travel, as I always believed\nit would be, some time or other, my fortune to do. When I left Mr.\nBates, I went down to my father: where, by the assistance of him and my\nuncle John, and some other relations, I got forty pounds, and a promise\nof thirty pounds a year to maintain me at Leyden: there I studied\nphysic two years and seven months, knowing it would be useful in long\nvoyages.\n\nSoon after my return from Leyden, I was recommended by my good master,\nMr. Bates, to be surgeon to the Swallow, Captain Abraham Pannel,\ncommander; with whom I continued three years and a half, making a\nvoyage or two into the Levant, and some other parts. When I came back I\nresolved to settle in London; to which Mr. Bates, my master, encouraged\nme, and by him I was recommended to several patients. I took part of a\nsmall house in the Old Jewry; and being advised to alter my condition,\nI married Mrs. Mary Burton, second daughter to Mr. Edmund Burton,\nhosier, in Newgate-street, with whom I received four hundred pounds for\na portion.\n\nBut my good master Bates dying in two years after, and I having few\nfriends, my business began to fail; for my conscience would not suffer\nme to imitate the bad practice of too many among my brethren. Having\ntherefore consulted with my wife, and some of my acquaintance, I\ndetermined to go again to sea. I was surgeon successively in two ships,\nand made several voyages, for six years, to the East and West Indies,\nby which I got some addition to my fortune. My hours of leisure I spent\nin reading the best authors, ancient and modern, being always provided\nwith a good number of books; and when I was ashore, in observing the\nmanners and dispositions of the people, as well as learning their\nlanguage; wherein I had a great facility, by the strength of my memory.\n\nThe last of these voyages not proving very fortunate, I grew weary of\nthe sea, and intended to stay at home with my wife and family. I\nremoved from the Old Jewry to Fetter Lane, and from thence to Wapping,\nhoping to get business among the sailors; but it would not turn to\naccount. After three years expectation that things would mend, I\naccepted an advantageous offer from Captain William Prichard, master of\nthe Antelope, who was making a voyage to the South Sea. We set sail\nfrom Bristol, May 4, 1699, and our voyage was at first very prosperous.\n\nIt would not be proper, for some reasons, to trouble the reader with\nthe particulars of our adventures in those seas; let it suffice to\ninform him, that in our passage from thence to the East Indies, we were\ndriven by a violent storm to the north-west of Van Diemen’s Land. By an\nobservation, we found ourselves in the latitude of 30 degrees 2 minutes\nsouth. Twelve of our crew were dead by immoderate labour and ill food;\nthe rest were in a very weak condition. On the 5th of November, which\nwas the beginning of summer in those parts, the weather being very\nhazy, the seamen spied a rock within half a cable’s length of the ship;\nbut the wind was so strong, that we were driven directly upon it, and\nimmediately split. Six of the crew, of whom I was one, having let down\nthe boat into the sea, made a shift to get clear of the ship and the\nrock. We rowed, by my computation, about three leagues, till we were\nable to work no longer, being already spent with labour while we were\nin the ship. We therefore trusted ourselves to the mercy of the waves,\nand in about half an hour the boat was overset by a sudden flurry from\nthe north. What became of my companions in the boat, as well as of\nthose who escaped on the rock, or were left in the vessel, I cannot\ntell; but conclude they were all lost. For my own part, I swam as\nfortune directed me, and was pushed forward by wind and tide. I often\nlet my legs drop, and could feel no bottom; but when I was almost gone,\nand able to struggle no longer, I found myself within my depth; and by\nthis time the storm was much abated. The declivity was so small, that I\nwalked near a mile before I got to the shore, which I conjectured was\nabout eight o’clock in the evening. I then advanced forward near half a\nmile, but could not discover any sign of houses or inhabitants; at\nleast I was in so weak a condition, that I did not observe them. I was\nextremely tired, and with that, and the heat of the weather, and about\nhalf a pint of brandy that I drank as I left the ship, I found myself\nmuch inclined to sleep. I lay down on the grass, which was very short\nand soft, where I slept sounder than ever I remembered to have done in\nmy life, and, as I reckoned, about nine hours; for when I awaked, it\nwas just day-light. I attempted to rise, but was not able to stir: for,\nas I happened to lie on my back, I found my arms and legs were strongly\nfastened on each side to the ground; and my hair, which was long and\nthick, tied down in the same manner. I likewise felt several slender\nligatures across my body, from my arm-pits to my thighs. I could only\nlook upwards; the sun began to grow hot, and the light offended my\neyes. I heard a confused noise about me; but in the posture I lay,\ncould see nothing except the sky. In a little time I felt something\nalive moving on my left leg, which advancing gently forward over my\nbreast, came almost up to my chin; when, bending my eyes downwards as\nmuch as I could, I perceived it to be a human creature not six inches\nhigh, with a bow and arrow in his hands, and a quiver at his back. In\nthe mean time, I felt at least forty more of the same kind (as I\nconjectured) following the first. I was in the utmost astonishment, and\nroared so loud, that they all ran back in a fright; and some of them,\nas I was afterwards told, were hurt with the falls they got by leaping\nfrom my sides upon the ground. However, they soon returned, and one of\nthem, who ventured so far as to get a full sight of my face, lifting up\nhis hands and eyes by way of admiration, cried out in a shrill but\ndistinct voice, _Hekinah degul_: the others repeated the same words\nseveral times, but then I knew not what they meant. I lay all this\nwhile, as the reader may believe, in great uneasiness. At length,\nstruggling to get loose, I had the fortune to break the strings, and\nwrench out the pegs that fastened my left arm to the ground; for, by\nlifting it up to my face, I discovered the methods they had taken to\nbind me, and at the same time with a violent pull, which gave me\nexcessive pain, I a little loosened the strings that tied down my hair\non the left side, so that I was just able to turn my head about two\ninches. But the creatures ran off a second time, before I could seize\nthem; whereupon there was a great shout in a very shrill accent, and\nafter it ceased I heard one of them cry aloud _Tolgo phonac_; when in\nan instant I felt above a hundred arrows discharged on my left hand,\nwhich, pricked me like so many needles; and besides, they shot another\nflight into the air, as we do bombs in Europe, whereof many, I suppose,\nfell on my body, (though I felt them not), and some on my face, which I\nimmediately covered with my left hand. When this shower of arrows was\nover, I fell a groaning with grief and pain; and then striving again to\nget loose, they discharged another volley larger than the first, and\nsome of them attempted with spears to stick me in the sides; but by\ngood luck I had on a buff jerkin, which they could not pierce. I\nthought it the most prudent method to lie still, and my design was to\ncontinue so till night, when, my left hand being already loose, I could\neasily free myself: and as for the inhabitants, I had reason to believe\nI might be a match for the greatest army they could bring against me,\nif they were all of the same size with him that I saw. But fortune\ndisposed otherwise of me. When the people observed I was quiet, they\ndischarged no more arrows; but, by the noise I heard, I knew their\nnumbers increased; and about four yards from me, over against my right\near, I heard a knocking for above an hour, like that of people at work;\nwhen turning my head that way, as well as the pegs and strings would\npermit me, I saw a stage erected about a foot and a half from the\nground, capable of holding four of the inhabitants, with two or three\nladders to mount it: from whence one of them, who seemed to be a person\nof quality, made me a long speech, whereof I understood not one\nsyllable. But I should have mentioned, that before the principal person\nbegan his oration, he cried out three times, _Langro dehul san_ (these\nwords and the former were afterwards repeated and explained to me);\nwhereupon, immediately, about fifty of the inhabitants came and cut the\nstrings that fastened the left side of my head, which gave me the\nliberty of turning it to the right, and of observing the person and\ngesture of him that was to speak. He appeared to be of a middle age,\nand taller than any of the other three who attended him, whereof one\nwas a page that held up his train, and seemed to be somewhat longer\nthan my middle finger; the other two stood one on each side to support\nhim. He acted every part of an orator, and I could observe many periods\nof threatenings, and others of promises, pity, and kindness. I answered\nin a few words, but in the most submissive manner, lifting up my left\nhand, and both my eyes to the sun, as calling him for a witness; and\nbeing almost famished with hunger, having not eaten a morsel for some\nhours before I left the ship, I found the demands of nature so strong\nupon me, that I could not forbear showing my impatience (perhaps\nagainst the strict rules of decency) by putting my finger frequently to\nmy mouth, to signify that I wanted food. The _hurgo_ (for so they call\na great lord, as I afterwards learnt) understood me very well. He\ndescended from the stage, and commanded that several ladders should be\napplied to my sides, on which above a hundred of the inhabitants\nmounted and walked towards my mouth, laden with baskets full of meat,\nwhich had been provided and sent thither by the king’s orders, upon the\nfirst intelligence he received of me. I observed there was the flesh of\nseveral animals, but could not distinguish them by the taste. There\nwere shoulders, legs, and loins, shaped like those of mutton, and very\nwell dressed, but smaller than the wings of a lark. I ate them by two\nor three at a mouthful, and took three loaves at a time, about the\nbigness of musket bullets. They supplied me as fast as they could,\nshowing a thousand marks of wonder and astonishment at my bulk and\nappetite. I then made another sign, that I wanted drink. They found by\nmy eating that a small quantity would not suffice me; and being a most\ningenious people, they slung up, with great dexterity, one of their\nlargest hogsheads, then rolled it towards my hand, and beat out the\ntop; I drank it off at a draught, which I might well do, for it did not\nhold half a pint, and tasted like a small wine of Burgundy, but much\nmore delicious. They brought me a second hogshead, which I drank in the\nsame manner, and made signs for more; but they had none to give me.\nWhen I had performed these wonders, they shouted for joy, and danced\nupon my breast, repeating several times as they did at first, _Hekinah\ndegul_. They made me a sign that I should throw down the two hogsheads,\nbut first warning the people below to stand out of the way, crying\naloud, _Borach mevolah_; and when they saw the vessels in the air,\nthere was a universal shout of _Hekinah degul_. I confess I was often\ntempted, while they were passing backwards and forwards on my body, to\nseize forty or fifty of the first that came in my reach, and dash them\nagainst the ground. But the remembrance of what I had felt, which\nprobably might not be the worst they could do, and the promise of\nhonour I made them—for so I interpreted my submissive behaviour—soon\ndrove out these imaginations. Besides, I now considered myself as bound\nby the laws of hospitality, to a people who had treated me with so much\nexpense and magnificence. However, in my thoughts I could not\nsufficiently wonder at the intrepidity of these diminutive mortals, who\ndurst venture to mount and walk upon my body, while one of my hands was\nat liberty, without trembling at the very sight of so prodigious a\ncreature as I must appear to them. After some time, when they observed\nthat I made no more demands for meat, there appeared before me a person\nof high rank from his imperial majesty. His excellency, having mounted\non the small of my right leg, advanced forwards up to my face, with\nabout a dozen of his retinue; and producing his credentials under the\nsignet royal, which he applied close to my eyes, spoke about ten\nminutes without any signs of anger, but with a kind of determinate\nresolution, often pointing forwards, which, as I afterwards found, was\ntowards the capital city, about half a mile distant; whither it was\nagreed by his majesty in council that I must be conveyed. I answered in\nfew words, but to no purpose, and made a sign with my hand that was\nloose, putting it to the other (but over his excellency’s head for fear\nof hurting him or his train) and then to my own head and body, to\nsignify that I desired my liberty. It appeared that he understood me\nwell enough, for he shook his head by way of disapprobation, and held\nhis hand in a posture to show that I must be carried as a prisoner.\nHowever, he made other signs to let me understand that I should have\nmeat and drink enough, and very good treatment. Whereupon I once more\nthought of attempting to break my bonds; but again, when I felt the\nsmart of their arrows upon my face and hands, which were all in\nblisters, and many of the darts still sticking in them, and observing\nlikewise that the number of my enemies increased, I gave tokens to let\nthem know that they might do with me what they pleased. Upon this, the\n_hurgo_ and his train withdrew, with much civility and cheerful\ncountenances. Soon after I heard a general shout, with frequent\nrepetitions of the words _Peplom selan_; and I felt great numbers of\npeople on my left side relaxing the cords to such a degree, that I was\nable to turn upon my right, and to ease myself with making water; which\nI very plentifully did, to the great astonishment of the people; who,\nconjecturing by my motion what I was going to do, immediately opened to\nthe right and left on that side, to avoid the torrent, which fell with\nsuch noise and violence from me. But before this, they had daubed my\nface and both my hands with a sort of ointment, very pleasant to the\nsmell, which, in a few minutes, removed all the smart of their arrows.\nThese circumstances, added to the refreshment I had received by their\nvictuals and drink, which were very nourishing, disposed me to sleep. I\nslept about eight hours, as I was afterwards assured; and it was no\nwonder, for the physicians, by the emperor’s order, had mingled a\nsleepy potion in the hogsheads of wine.\n\nIt seems, that upon the first moment I was discovered sleeping on the\nground, after my landing, the emperor had early notice of it by an\nexpress; and determined in council, that I should be tied in the manner\nI have related, (which was done in the night while I slept;) that\nplenty of meat and drink should be sent to me, and a machine prepared\nto carry me to the capital city.\n\nThis resolution perhaps may appear very bold and dangerous, and I am\nconfident would not be imitated by any prince in Europe on the like\noccasion. However, in my opinion, it was extremely prudent, as well as\ngenerous: for, supposing these people had endeavoured to kill me with\ntheir spears and arrows, while I was asleep, I should certainly have\nawaked with the first sense of smart, which might so far have roused my\nrage and strength, as to have enabled me to break the strings wherewith\nI was tied; after which, as they were not able to make resistance, so\nthey could expect no mercy.\n\nThese people are most excellent mathematicians, and arrived to a great\nperfection in mechanics, by the countenance and encouragement of the\nemperor, who is a renowned patron of learning. This prince has several\nmachines fixed on wheels, for the carriage of trees and other great\nweights. He often builds his largest men of war, whereof some are nine\nfeet long, in the woods where the timber grows, and has them carried on\nthese engines three or four hundred yards to the sea. Five hundred\ncarpenters and engineers were immediately set at work to prepare the\ngreatest engine they had. It was a frame of wood raised three inches\nfrom the ground, about seven feet long, and four wide, moving upon\ntwenty-two wheels. The shout I heard was upon the arrival of this\nengine, which, it seems, set out in four hours after my landing. It was\nbrought parallel to me, as I lay. But the principal difficulty was to\nraise and place me in this vehicle. Eighty poles, each of one foot\nhigh, were erected for this purpose, and very strong cords, of the\nbigness of packthread, were fastened by hooks to many bandages, which\nthe workmen had girt round my neck, my hands, my body, and my legs.\nNine hundred of the strongest men were employed to draw up these cords,\nby many pulleys fastened on the poles; and thus, in less than three\nhours, I was raised and slung into the engine, and there tied fast. All\nthis I was told; for, while the operation was performing, I lay in a\nprofound sleep, by the force of that soporiferous medicine infused into\nmy liquor. Fifteen hundred of the emperor’s largest horses, each about\nfour inches and a half high, were employed to draw me towards the\nmetropolis, which, as I said, was half a mile distant.\n\nAbout four hours after we began our journey, I awaked by a very\nridiculous accident; for the carriage being stopped a while, to adjust\nsomething that was out of order, two or three of the young natives had\nthe curiosity to see how I looked when I was asleep; they climbed up\ninto the engine, and advancing very softly to my face, one of them, an\nofficer in the guards, put the sharp end of his half-pike a good way up\ninto my left nostril, which tickled my nose like a straw, and made me\nsneeze violently; whereupon they stole off unperceived, and it was\nthree weeks before I knew the cause of my waking so suddenly. We made a\nlong march the remaining part of the day, and, rested at night with\nfive hundred guards on each side of me, half with torches, and half\nwith bows and arrows, ready to shoot me if I should offer to stir. The\nnext morning at sunrise we continued our march, and arrived within two\nhundred yards of the city gates about noon. The emperor, and all his\ncourt, came out to meet us; but his great officers would by no means\nsuffer his majesty to endanger his person by mounting on my body.\n\nAt the place where the carriage stopped there stood an ancient temple,\nesteemed to be the largest in the whole kingdom; which, having been\npolluted some years before by an unnatural murder, was, according to\nthe zeal of those people, looked upon as profane, and therefore had\nbeen applied to common use, and all the ornaments and furniture carried\naway. In this edifice it was determined I should lodge. The great gate\nfronting to the north was about four feet high, and almost two feet\nwide, through which I could easily creep. On each side of the gate was\na small window, not above six inches from the ground: into that on the\nleft side, the king’s smith conveyed fourscore and eleven chains, like\nthose that hang to a lady’s watch in Europe, and almost as large, which\nwere locked to my left leg with six-and-thirty padlocks. Over against\nthis temple, on the other side of the great highway, at twenty feet\ndistance, there was a turret at least five feet high. Here the emperor\nascended, with many principal lords of his court, to have an\nopportunity of viewing me, as I was told, for I could not see them. It\nwas reckoned that above a hundred thousand inhabitants came out of the\ntown upon the same errand; and, in spite of my guards, I believe there\ncould not be fewer than ten thousand at several times, who mounted my\nbody by the help of ladders. But a proclamation was soon issued, to\nforbid it upon pain of death. When the workmen found it was impossible\nfor me to break loose, they cut all the strings that bound me;\nwhereupon I rose up, with as melancholy a disposition as ever I had in\nmy life. But the noise and astonishment of the people, at seeing me\nrise and walk, are not to be expressed. The chains that held my left\nleg were about two yards long, and gave me not only the liberty of\nwalking backwards and forwards in a semicircle, but, being fixed within\nfour inches of the gate, allowed me to creep in, and lie at my full\nlength in the temple.\n\n\nCHAPTER II.\n\nThe emperor of Lilliput, attended by several of the nobility, comes to\nsee the author in his confinement. The emperor’s person and habit\ndescribed. Learned men appointed to teach the author their language. He\ngains favour by his mild disposition. His pockets are searched, and his\nsword and pistols taken from him.\n\n\nWhen I found myself on my feet, I looked about me, and must confess I\nnever beheld a more entertaining prospect. The country around appeared\nlike a continued garden, and the enclosed fields, which were generally\nforty feet square, resembled so many beds of flowers. These fields were\nintermingled with woods of half a stang, [301] and the tallest trees,\nas I could judge, appeared to be seven feet high. I viewed the town on\nmy left hand, which looked like the painted scene of a city in a\ntheatre.\n\nI had been for some hours extremely pressed by the necessities of\nnature; which was no wonder, it being almost two days since I had last\ndisburdened myself. I was under great difficulties between urgency and\nshame. The best expedient I could think of, was to creep into my house,\nwhich I accordingly did; and shutting the gate after me, I went as far\nas the length of my chain would suffer, and discharged my body of that\nuneasy load. But this was the only time I was ever guilty of so\nuncleanly an action; for which I cannot but hope the candid reader will\ngive some allowance, after he has maturely and impartially considered\nmy case, and the distress I was in. From this time my constant practice\nwas, as soon as I rose, to perform that business in open air, at the\nfull extent of my chain; and due care was taken every morning before\ncompany came, that the offensive matter should be carried off in\nwheel-barrows, by two servants appointed for that purpose. I would not\nhave dwelt so long upon a circumstance that, perhaps, at first sight,\nmay appear not very momentous, if I had not thought it necessary to\njustify my character, in point of cleanliness, to the world; which, I\nam told, some of my maligners have been pleased, upon this and other\noccasions, to call in question.\n\nWhen this adventure was at an end, I came back out of my house, having\noccasion for fresh air. The emperor was already descended from the\ntower, and advancing on horseback towards me, which had like to have\ncost him dear; for the beast, though very well trained, yet wholly\nunused to such a sight, which appeared as if a mountain moved before\nhim, reared up on its hinder feet: but that prince, who is an excellent\nhorseman, kept his seat, till his attendants ran in, and held the\nbridle, while his majesty had time to dismount. When he alighted, he\nsurveyed me round with great admiration; but kept beyond the length of\nmy chain. He ordered his cooks and butlers, who were already prepared,\nto give me victuals and drink, which they pushed forward in a sort of\nvehicles upon wheels, till I could reach them. I took these vehicles\nand soon emptied them all; twenty of them were filled with meat, and\nten with liquor; each of the former afforded me two or three good\nmouthfuls; and I emptied the liquor of ten vessels, which was contained\nin earthen vials, into one vehicle, drinking it off at a draught; and\nso I did with the rest. The empress, and young princes of the blood of\nboth sexes, attended by many ladies, sat at some distance in their\nchairs; but upon the accident that happened to the emperor’s horse,\nthey alighted, and came near his person, which I am now going to\ndescribe. He is taller by almost the breadth of my nail, than any of\nhis court; which alone is enough to strike an awe into the beholders.\nHis features are strong and masculine, with an Austrian lip and arched\nnose, his complexion olive, his countenance erect, his body and limbs\nwell proportioned, all his motions graceful, and his deportment\nmajestic. He was then past his prime, being twenty-eight years and\nthree quarters old, of which he had reigned about seven in great\nfelicity, and generally victorious. For the better convenience of\nbeholding him, I lay on my side, so that my face was parallel to his,\nand he stood but three yards off: however, I have had him since many\ntimes in my hand, and therefore cannot be deceived in the description.\nHis dress was very plain and simple, and the fashion of it between the\nAsiatic and the European; but he had on his head a light helmet of\ngold, adorned with jewels, and a plume on the crest. He held his sword\ndrawn in his hand to defend himself, if I should happen to break loose;\nit was almost three inches long; the hilt and scabbard were gold\nenriched with diamonds. His voice was shrill, but very clear and\narticulate; and I could distinctly hear it when I stood up. The ladies\nand courtiers were all most magnificently clad; so that the spot they\nstood upon seemed to resemble a petticoat spread upon the ground,\nembroidered with figures of gold and silver. His imperial majesty spoke\noften to me, and I returned answers: but neither of us could understand\na syllable. There were several of his priests and lawyers present (as I\nconjectured by their habits), who were commanded to address themselves\nto me; and I spoke to them in as many languages as I had the least\nsmattering of, which were High and Low Dutch, Latin, French, Spanish,\nItalian, and Lingua Franca, but all to no purpose. After about two\nhours the court retired, and I was left with a strong guard, to prevent\nthe impertinence, and probably the malice of the rabble, who were very\nimpatient to crowd about me as near as they durst; and some of them had\nthe impudence to shoot their arrows at me, as I sat on the ground by\nthe door of my house, whereof one very narrowly missed my left eye. But\nthe colonel ordered six of the ringleaders to be seized, and thought no\npunishment so proper as to deliver them bound into my hands; which some\nof his soldiers accordingly did, pushing them forward with the\nbutt-ends of their pikes into my reach. I took them all in my right\nhand, put five of them into my coat-pocket; and as to the sixth, I made\na countenance as if I would eat him alive. The poor man squalled\nterribly, and the colonel and his officers were in much pain,\nespecially when they saw me take out my penknife: but I soon put them\nout of fear; for, looking mildly, and immediately cutting the strings\nhe was bound with, I set him gently on the ground, and away he ran. I\ntreated the rest in the same manner, taking them one by one out of my\npocket; and I observed both the soldiers and people were highly\ndelighted at this mark of my clemency, which was represented very much\nto my advantage at court.\n\nTowards night I got with some difficulty into my house, where I lay on\nthe ground, and continued to do so about a fortnight; during which\ntime, the emperor gave orders to have a bed prepared for me. Six\nhundred beds of the common measure were brought in carriages, and\nworked up in my house; a hundred and fifty of their beds, sewn\ntogether, made up the breadth and length; and these were four double:\nwhich, however, kept me but very indifferently from the hardness of the\nfloor, that was of smooth stone. By the same computation, they provided\nme with sheets, blankets, and coverlets, tolerable enough for one who\nhad been so long inured to hardships.\n\nAs the news of my arrival spread through the kingdom, it brought\nprodigious numbers of rich, idle, and curious people to see me; so that\nthe villages were almost emptied; and great neglect of tillage and\nhousehold affairs must have ensued, if his imperial majesty had not\nprovided, by several proclamations and orders of state, against this\ninconveniency. He directed that those who had already beheld me should\nreturn home, and not presume to come within fifty yards of my house,\nwithout license from the court; whereby the secretaries of state got\nconsiderable fees.\n\nIn the mean time the emperor held frequent councils, to debate what\ncourse should be taken with me; and I was afterwards assured by a\nparticular friend, a person of great quality, who was as much in the\nsecret as any, that the court was under many difficulties concerning\nme. They apprehended my breaking loose; that my diet would be very\nexpensive, and might cause a famine. Sometimes they determined to\nstarve me; or at least to shoot me in the face and hands with poisoned\narrows, which would soon despatch me; but again they considered, that\nthe stench of so large a carcass might produce a plague in the\nmetropolis, and probably spread through the whole kingdom. In the midst\nof these consultations, several officers of the army went to the door\nof the great council-chamber, and two of them being admitted, gave an\naccount of my behaviour to the six criminals above-mentioned; which\nmade so favourable an impression in the breast of his majesty and the\nwhole board, in my behalf, that an imperial commission was issued out,\nobliging all the villages, nine hundred yards round the city, to\ndeliver in every morning six beeves, forty sheep, and other victuals\nfor my sustenance; together with a proportionable quantity of bread,\nand wine, and other liquors; for the due payment of which, his majesty\ngave assignments upon his treasury:—for this prince lives chiefly upon\nhis own demesnes; seldom, except upon great occasions, raising any\nsubsidies upon his subjects, who are bound to attend him in his wars at\ntheir own expense. An establishment was also made of six hundred\npersons to be my domestics, who had board-wages allowed for their\nmaintenance, and tents built for them very conveniently on each side of\nmy door. It was likewise ordered, that three hundred tailors should\nmake me a suit of clothes, after the fashion of the country; that six\nof his majesty’s greatest scholars should be employed to instruct me in\ntheir language; and lastly, that the emperor’s horses, and those of the\nnobility and troops of guards, should be frequently exercised in my\nsight, to accustom themselves to me. All these orders were duly put in\nexecution; and in about three weeks I made a great progress in learning\ntheir language; during which time the emperor frequently honoured me\nwith his visits, and was pleased to assist my masters in teaching me.\nWe began already to converse together in some sort; and the first words\nI learnt, were to express my desire “that he would please give me my\nliberty;” which I every day repeated on my knees. His answer, as I\ncould comprehend it, was, “that this must be a work of time, not to be\nthought on without the advice of his council, and that first I must\n_lumos kelmin pesso desmar lon emposo_;” that is, swear a peace with\nhim and his kingdom. However, that I should be used with all kindness.\nAnd he advised me to “acquire, by my patience and discreet behaviour,\nthe good opinion of himself and his subjects.” He desired “I would not\ntake it ill, if he gave orders to certain proper officers to search me;\nfor probably I might carry about me several weapons, which must needs\nbe dangerous things, if they answered the bulk of so prodigious a\nperson.” I said, “His majesty should be satisfied; for I was ready to\nstrip myself, and turn up my pockets before him.” This I delivered part\nin words, and part in signs. He replied, “that, by the laws of the\nkingdom, I must be searched by two of his officers; that he knew this\ncould not be done without my consent and assistance; and he had so good\nan opinion of my generosity and justice, as to trust their persons in\nmy hands; that whatever they took from me, should be returned when I\nleft the country, or paid for at the rate which I would set upon them.”\nI took up the two officers in my hands, put them first into my\ncoat-pockets, and then into every other pocket about me, except my two\nfobs, and another secret pocket, which I had no mind should be\nsearched, wherein I had some little necessaries that were of no\nconsequence to any but myself. In one of my fobs there was a silver\nwatch, and in the other a small quantity of gold in a purse. These\ngentlemen, having pen, ink, and paper, about them, made an exact\ninventory of every thing they saw; and when they had done, desired I\nwould set them down, that they might deliver it to the emperor. This\ninventory I afterwards translated into English, and is, word for word,\nas follows:\n\n\n“_Imprimis_: In the right coat-pocket of the great man-mountain” (for\nso I interpret the words _quinbus flestrin_,) “after the strictest\nsearch, we found only one great piece of coarse-cloth, large enough to\nbe a foot-cloth for your majesty’s chief room of state. In the left\npocket we saw a huge silver chest, with a cover of the same metal,\nwhich we, the searchers, were not able to lift. We desired it should be\nopened, and one of us stepping into it, found himself up to the mid leg\nin a sort of dust, some part whereof flying up to our faces set us both\na sneezing for several times together. In his right waistcoat-pocket we\nfound a prodigious bundle of white thin substances, folded one over\nanother, about the bigness of three men, tied with a strong cable, and\nmarked with black figures; which we humbly conceive to be writings,\nevery letter almost half as large as the palm of our hands. In the left\nthere was a sort of engine, from the back of which were extended twenty\nlong poles, resembling the pallisados before your majesty’s court:\nwherewith we conjecture the man-mountain combs his head; for we did not\nalways trouble him with questions, because we found it a great\ndifficulty to make him understand us. In the large pocket, on the right\nside of his middle cover” (so I translate the word _ranfulo_, by which\nthey meant my breeches,) “we saw a hollow pillar of iron, about the\nlength of a man, fastened to a strong piece of timber larger than the\npillar; and upon one side of the pillar, were huge pieces of iron\nsticking out, cut into strange figures, which we know not what to make\nof. In the left pocket, another engine of the same kind. In the smaller\npocket on the right side, were several round flat pieces of white and\nred metal, of different bulk; some of the white, which seemed to be\nsilver, were so large and heavy, that my comrade and I could hardly\nlift them. In the left pocket were two black pillars irregularly\nshaped: we could not, without difficulty, reach the top of them, as we\nstood at the bottom of his pocket. One of them was covered, and seemed\nall of a piece: but at the upper end of the other there appeared a\nwhite round substance, about twice the bigness of our heads. Within\neach of these was enclosed a prodigious plate of steel; which, by our\norders, we obliged him to show us, because we apprehended they might be\ndangerous engines. He took them out of their cases, and told us, that\nin his own country his practice was to shave his beard with one of\nthese, and cut his meat with the other. There were two pockets which we\ncould not enter: these he called his fobs; they were two large slits\ncut into the top of his middle cover, but squeezed close by the\npressure of his belly. Out of the right fob hung a great silver chain,\nwith a wonderful kind of engine at the bottom. We directed him to draw\nout whatever was at the end of that chain; which appeared to be a\nglobe, half silver, and half of some transparent metal; for, on the\ntransparent side, we saw certain strange figures circularly drawn, and\nthought we could touch them, till we found our fingers stopped by the\nlucid substance. He put this engine into our ears, which made an\nincessant noise, like that of a water-mill: and we conjecture it is\neither some unknown animal, or the god that he worships; but we are\nmore inclined to the latter opinion, because he assured us, (if we\nunderstood him right, for he expressed himself very imperfectly) that\nhe seldom did any thing without consulting it. He called it his oracle,\nand said, it pointed out the time for every action of his life. From\nthe left fob he took out a net almost large enough for a fisherman, but\ncontrived to open and shut like a purse, and served him for the same\nuse: we found therein several massy pieces of yellow metal, which, if\nthey be real gold, must be of immense value.\n\n“Having thus, in obedience to your majesty’s commands, diligently\nsearched all his pockets, we observed a girdle about his waist made of\nthe hide of some prodigious animal, from which, on the left side, hung\na sword of the length of five men; and on the right, a bag or pouch\ndivided into two cells, each cell capable of holding three of your\nmajesty’s subjects. In one of these cells were several globes, or\nballs, of a most ponderous metal, about the bigness of our heads, and\nrequiring a strong hand to lift them: the other cell contained a heap\nof certain black grains, but of no great bulk or weight, for we could\nhold above fifty of them in the palms of our hands.\n\n“This is an exact inventory of what we found about the body of the\nman-mountain, who used us with great civility, and due respect to your\nmajesty’s commission. Signed and sealed on the fourth day of the\neighty-ninth moon of your majesty’s auspicious reign.\n\n\n Clefrin Frelock, Marsi Frelock.”\n\nWhen this inventory was read over to the emperor, he directed me,\nalthough in very gentle terms, to deliver up the several particulars.\nHe first called for my scimitar, which I took out, scabbard and all. In\nthe mean time he ordered three thousand of his choicest troops (who\nthen attended him) to surround me at a distance, with their bows and\narrows just ready to discharge; but I did not observe it, for my eyes\nwere wholly fixed upon his majesty. He then desired me to draw my\nscimitar, which, although it had got some rust by the sea water, was,\nin most parts, exceeding bright. I did so, and immediately all the\ntroops gave a shout between terror and surprise; for the sun shone\nclear, and the reflection dazzled their eyes, as I waved the scimitar\nto and fro in my hand. His majesty, who is a most magnanimous prince,\nwas less daunted than I could expect: he ordered me to return it into\nthe scabbard, and cast it on the ground as gently as I could, about six\nfeet from the end of my chain. The next thing he demanded was one of\nthe hollow iron pillars; by which he meant my pocket pistols. I drew it\nout, and at his desire, as well as I could, expressed to him the use of\nit; and charging it only with powder, which, by the closeness of my\npouch, happened to escape wetting in the sea (an inconvenience against\nwhich all prudent mariners take special care to provide,) I first\ncautioned the emperor not to be afraid, and then I let it off in the\nair. The astonishment here was much greater than at the sight of my\nscimitar. Hundreds fell down as if they had been struck dead; and even\nthe emperor, although he stood his ground, could not recover himself\nfor some time. I delivered up both my pistols in the same manner as I\nhad done my scimitar, and then my pouch of powder and bullets; begging\nhim that the former might be kept from fire, for it would kindle with\nthe smallest spark, and blow up his imperial palace into the air. I\nlikewise delivered up my watch, which the emperor was very curious to\nsee, and commanded two of his tallest yeomen of the guards to bear it\non a pole upon their shoulders, as draymen in England do a barrel of\nale. He was amazed at the continual noise it made, and the motion of\nthe minute-hand, which he could easily discern; for their sight is much\nmore acute than ours: he asked the opinions of his learned men about\nit, which were various and remote, as the reader may well imagine\nwithout my repeating; although indeed I could not very perfectly\nunderstand them. I then gave up my silver and copper money, my purse,\nwith nine large pieces of gold, and some smaller ones; my knife and\nrazor, my comb and silver snuff-box, my handkerchief and journal-book.\nMy scimitar, pistols, and pouch, were conveyed in carriages to his\nmajesty’s stores; but the rest of my goods were returned me.\n\nI had as I before observed, one private pocket, which escaped their\nsearch, wherein there was a pair of spectacles (which I sometimes use\nfor the weakness of my eyes,) a pocket perspective, and some other\nlittle conveniences; which, being of no consequence to the emperor, I\ndid not think myself bound in honour to discover, and I apprehended\nthey might be lost or spoiled if I ventured them out of my possession.\n\n\nCHAPTER III.\n\nThe author diverts the emperor, and his nobility of both sexes, in a\nvery uncommon manner. The diversions of the court of Lilliput\ndescribed. The author has his liberty granted him upon certain\nconditions.\n\n\nMy gentleness and good behaviour had gained so far on the emperor and\nhis court, and indeed upon the army and people in general, that I began\nto conceive hopes of getting my liberty in a short time. I took all\npossible methods to cultivate this favourable disposition. The natives\ncame, by degrees, to be less apprehensive of any danger from me. I\nwould sometimes lie down, and let five or six of them dance on my hand;\nand at last the boys and girls would venture to come and play at\nhide-and-seek in my hair. I had now made a good progress in\nunderstanding and speaking the language. The emperor had a mind one day\nto entertain me with several of the country shows, wherein they exceed\nall nations I have known, both for dexterity and magnificence. I was\ndiverted with none so much as that of the rope-dancers, performed upon\na slender white thread, extended about two feet, and twelve inches from\nthe ground. Upon which I shall desire liberty, with the reader’s\npatience, to enlarge a little.\n\nThis diversion is only practised by those persons who are candidates\nfor great employments, and high favour at court. They are trained in\nthis art from their youth, and are not always of noble birth, or\nliberal education. When a great office is vacant, either by death or\ndisgrace (which often happens,) five or six of those candidates\npetition the emperor to entertain his majesty and the court with a\ndance on the rope; and whoever jumps the highest, without falling,\nsucceeds in the office. Very often the chief ministers themselves are\ncommanded to show their skill, and to convince the emperor that they\nhave not lost their faculty. Flimnap, the treasurer, is allowed to cut\na caper on the straight rope, at least an inch higher than any other\nlord in the whole empire. I have seen him do the summerset several\ntimes together, upon a trencher fixed on a rope which is no thicker\nthan a common packthread in England. My friend Reldresal, principal\nsecretary for private affairs, is, in my opinion, if I am not partial,\nthe second after the treasurer; the rest of the great officers are much\nupon a par.\n\nThese diversions are often attended with fatal accidents, whereof great\nnumbers are on record. I myself have seen two or three candidates break\na limb. But the danger is much greater, when the ministers themselves\nare commanded to show their dexterity; for, by contending to excel\nthemselves and their fellows, they strain so far that there is hardly\none of them who has not received a fall, and some of them two or three.\nI was assured that, a year or two before my arrival, Flimnap would\ninfallibly have broke his neck, if one of the king’s cushions, that\naccidentally lay on the ground, had not weakened the force of his fall.\n\nThere is likewise another diversion, which is only shown before the\nemperor and empress, and first minister, upon particular occasions. The\nemperor lays on the table three fine silken threads of six inches long;\none is blue, the other red, and the third green. These threads are\nproposed as prizes for those persons whom the emperor has a mind to\ndistinguish by a peculiar mark of his favour. The ceremony is performed\nin his majesty’s great chamber of state, where the candidates are to\nundergo a trial of dexterity very different from the former, and such\nas I have not observed the least resemblance of in any other country of\nthe new or old world. The emperor holds a stick in his hands, both ends\nparallel to the horizon, while the candidates advancing, one by one,\nsometimes leap over the stick, sometimes creep under it, backward and\nforward, several times, according as the stick is advanced or\ndepressed. Sometimes the emperor holds one end of the stick, and his\nfirst minister the other; sometimes the minister has it entirely to\nhimself. Whoever performs his part with most agility, and holds out the\nlongest in leaping and creeping, is rewarded with the blue-coloured\nsilk; the red is given to the next, and the green to the third, which\nthey all wear girt twice round about the middle; and you see few great\npersons about this court who are not adorned with one of these girdles.\n\nThe horses of the army, and those of the royal stables, having been\ndaily led before me, were no longer shy, but would come up to my very\nfeet without starting. The riders would leap them over my hand, as I\nheld it on the ground; and one of the emperor’s huntsmen, upon a large\ncourser, took my foot, shoe and all; which was indeed a prodigious\nleap. I had the good fortune to divert the emperor one day after a very\nextraordinary manner. I desired he would order several sticks of two\nfeet high, and the thickness of an ordinary cane, to be brought me;\nwhereupon his majesty commanded the master of his woods to give\ndirections accordingly; and the next morning six woodmen arrived with\nas many carriages, drawn by eight horses to each. I took nine of these\nsticks, and fixing them firmly in the ground in a quadrangular figure,\ntwo feet and a half square, I took four other sticks, and tied them\nparallel at each corner, about two feet from the ground; then I\nfastened my handkerchief to the nine sticks that stood erect; and\nextended it on all sides, till it was tight as the top of a drum; and\nthe four parallel sticks, rising about five inches higher than the\nhandkerchief, served as ledges on each side. When I had finished my\nwork, I desired the emperor to let a troop of his best horses\ntwenty-four in number, come and exercise upon this plain. His majesty\napproved of the proposal, and I took them up, one by one, in my hands,\nready mounted and armed, with the proper officers to exercise them. As\nsoon as they got into order they divided into two parties, performed\nmock skirmishes, discharged blunt arrows, drew their swords, fled and\npursued, attacked and retired, and in short discovered the best\nmilitary discipline I ever beheld. The parallel sticks secured them and\ntheir horses from falling over the stage; and the emperor was so much\ndelighted, that he ordered this entertainment to be repeated several\ndays, and once was pleased to be lifted up and give the word of\ncommand; and with great difficulty persuaded even the empress herself\nto let me hold her in her close chair within two yards of the stage,\nwhen she was able to take a full view of the whole performance. It was\nmy good fortune, that no ill accident happened in these entertainments;\nonly once a fiery horse, that belonged to one of the captains, pawing\nwith his hoof, struck a hole in my handkerchief, and his foot slipping,\nhe overthrew his rider and himself; but I immediately relieved them\nboth, and covering the hole with one hand, I set down the troop with\nthe other, in the same manner as I took them up. The horse that fell\nwas strained in the left shoulder, but the rider got no hurt; and I\nrepaired my handkerchief as well as I could: however, I would not trust\nto the strength of it any more, in such dangerous enterprises.\n\nAbout two or three days before I was set at liberty, as I was\nentertaining the court with this kind of feat, there arrived an express\nto inform his majesty, that some of his subjects, riding near the place\nwhere I was first taken up, had seen a great black substance lying on\nthe ground, very oddly shaped, extending its edges round, as wide as\nhis majesty’s bedchamber, and rising up in the middle as high as a man;\nthat it was no living creature, as they at first apprehended, for it\nlay on the grass without motion; and some of them had walked round it\nseveral times; that, by mounting upon each other’s shoulders, they had\ngot to the top, which was flat and even, and, stamping upon it, they\nfound that it was hollow within; that they humbly conceived it might be\nsomething belonging to the man-mountain; and if his majesty pleased,\nthey would undertake to bring it with only five horses. I presently\nknew what they meant, and was glad at heart to receive this\nintelligence. It seems, upon my first reaching the shore after our\nshipwreck, I was in such confusion, that before I came to the place\nwhere I went to sleep, my hat, which I had fastened with a string to my\nhead while I was rowing, and had stuck on all the time I was swimming,\nfell off after I came to land; the string, as I conjecture, breaking by\nsome accident, which I never observed, but thought my hat had been lost\nat sea. I entreated his imperial majesty to give orders it might be\nbrought to me as soon as possible, describing to him the use and the\nnature of it: and the next day the waggoners arrived with it, but not\nin a very good condition; they had bored two holes in the brim, within\nan inch and half of the edge, and fastened two hooks in the holes;\nthese hooks were tied by a long cord to the harness, and thus my hat\nwas dragged along for above half an English mile; but, the ground in\nthat country being extremely smooth and level, it received less damage\nthan I expected.\n\nTwo days after this adventure, the emperor, having ordered that part of\nhis army which quarters in and about his metropolis, to be in\nreadiness, took a fancy of diverting himself in a very singular manner.\nHe desired I would stand like a Colossus, with my legs as far asunder\nas I conveniently could. He then commanded his general (who was an old\nexperienced leader, and a great patron of mine) to draw up the troops\nin close order, and march them under me; the foot by twenty-four\nabreast, and the horse by sixteen, with drums beating, colours flying,\nand pikes advanced. This body consisted of three thousand foot, and a\nthousand horse. His majesty gave orders, upon pain of death, that every\nsoldier in his march should observe the strictest decency with regard\nto my person; which however could not prevent some of the younger\nofficers from turning up their eyes as they passed under me: and, to\nconfess the truth, my breeches were at that time in so ill a condition,\nthat they afforded some opportunities for laughter and admiration.\n\nI had sent so many memorials and petitions for my liberty, that his\nmajesty at length mentioned the matter, first in the cabinet, and then\nin a full council; where it was opposed by none, except Skyresh\nBolgolam, who was pleased, without any provocation, to be my mortal\nenemy. But it was carried against him by the whole board, and confirmed\nby the emperor. That minister was _galbet_, or admiral of the realm,\nvery much in his master’s confidence, and a person well versed in\naffairs, but of a morose and sour complexion. However, he was at length\npersuaded to comply; but prevailed that the articles and conditions\nupon which I should be set free, and to which I must swear, should be\ndrawn up by himself. These articles were brought to me by Skyresh\nBolgolam in person attended by two under-secretaries, and several\npersons of distinction. After they were read, I was demanded to swear\nto the performance of them; first in the manner of my own country, and\nafterwards in the method prescribed by their laws; which was, to hold\nmy right foot in my left hand, and to place the middle finger of my\nright hand on the crown of my head, and my thumb on the tip of my right\near. But because the reader may be curious to have some idea of the\nstyle and manner of expression peculiar to that people, as well as to\nknow the article upon which I recovered my liberty, I have made a\ntranslation of the whole instrument, word for word, as near as I was\nable, which I here offer to the public.\n\n\n“Golbasto Momarem Evlame Gurdilo Shefin Mully Ully Gue, most mighty\nEmperor of Lilliput, delight and terror of the universe, whose\ndominions extend five thousand _blustrugs_ (about twelve miles in\ncircumference) to the extremities of the globe; monarch of all\nmonarchs, taller than the sons of men; whose feet press down to the\ncentre, and whose head strikes against the sun; at whose nod the\nprinces of the earth shake their knees; pleasant as the spring,\ncomfortable as the summer, fruitful as autumn, dreadful as winter: his\nmost sublime majesty proposes to the man-mountain, lately arrived at\nour celestial dominions, the following articles, which, by a solemn\noath, he shall be obliged to perform:—\n\n“1st, The man-mountain shall not depart from our dominions, without our\nlicense under our great seal.\n\n“2d, He shall not presume to come into our metropolis, without our\nexpress order; at which time, the inhabitants shall have two hours\nwarning to keep within doors.\n\n“3d, The said man-mountain shall confine his walks to our principal\nhigh roads, and not offer to walk, or lie down, in a meadow or field of\ncorn.\n\n“4th, As he walks the said roads, he shall take the utmost care not to\ntrample upon the bodies of any of our loving subjects, their horses, or\ncarriages, nor take any of our subjects into his hands without their\nown consent.\n\n“5th, If an express requires extraordinary despatch, the man-mountain\nshall be obliged to carry, in his pocket, the messenger and horse a six\ndays journey, once in every moon, and return the said messenger back\n(if so required) safe to our imperial presence.\n\n“6th, He shall be our ally against our enemies in the island of\nBlefuscu, and do his utmost to destroy their fleet, which is now\npreparing to invade us.\n\n“7th, That the said man-mountain shall, at his times of leisure, be\naiding and assisting to our workmen, in helping to raise certain great\nstones, towards covering the wall of the principal park, and other our\nroyal buildings.\n\n“8th, That the said man-mountain shall, in two moons’ time, deliver in\nan exact survey of the circumference of our dominions, by a computation\nof his own paces round the coast.\n\n“Lastly, That, upon his solemn oath to observe all the above articles,\nthe said man-mountain shall have a daily allowance of meat and drink\nsufficient for the support of 1724 of our subjects, with free access to\nour royal person, and other marks of our favour. Given at our palace at\nBelfaborac, the twelfth day of the ninety-first moon of our reign.”\n\n\nI swore and subscribed to these articles with great cheerfulness and\ncontent, although some of them were not so honourable as I could have\nwished; which proceeded wholly from the malice of Skyresh Bolgolam, the\nhigh-admiral: whereupon my chains were immediately unlocked, and I was\nat full liberty. The emperor himself, in person, did me the honour to\nbe by at the whole ceremony. I made my acknowledgements by prostrating\nmyself at his majesty’s feet: but he commanded me to rise; and after\nmany gracious expressions, which, to avoid the censure of vanity, I\nshall not repeat, he added, “that he hoped I should prove a useful\nservant, and well deserve all the favours he had already conferred upon\nme, or might do for the future.”\n\nThe reader may please to observe, that, in the last article of the\nrecovery of my liberty, the emperor stipulates to allow me a quantity\nof meat and drink sufficient for the support of 1724 Lilliputians. Some\ntime after, asking a friend at court how they came to fix on that\ndeterminate number, he told me that his majesty’s mathematicians,\nhaving taken the height of my body by the help of a quadrant, and\nfinding it to exceed theirs in the proportion of twelve to one, they\nconcluded from the similarity of their bodies, that mine must contain\nat least 1724 of theirs, and consequently would require as much food as\nwas necessary to support that number of Lilliputians. By which the\nreader may conceive an idea of the ingenuity of that people, as well as\nthe prudent and exact economy of so great a prince.\n\n\nCHAPTER IV.\n\nMildendo, the metropolis of Lilliput, described, together with the\nemperor’s palace. A conversation between the author and a principal\nsecretary, concerning the affairs of that empire. The author’s offers\nto serve the emperor in his wars.\n\n\nThe first request I made, after I had obtained my liberty, was, that I\nmight have license to see Mildendo, the metropolis; which the emperor\neasily granted me, but with a special charge to do no hurt either to\nthe inhabitants or their houses. The people had notice, by\nproclamation, of my design to visit the town. The wall which\nencompassed it is two feet and a half high, and at least eleven inches\nbroad, so that a coach and horses may be driven very safely round it;\nand it is flanked with strong towers at ten feet distance. I stepped\nover the great western gate, and passed very gently, and sidling,\nthrough the two principal streets, only in my short waistcoat, for fear\nof damaging the roofs and eaves of the houses with the skirts of my\ncoat. I walked with the utmost circumspection, to avoid treading on any\nstragglers who might remain in the streets, although the orders were\nvery strict, that all people should keep in their houses, at their own\nperil. The garret windows and tops of houses were so crowded with\nspectators, that I thought in all my travels I had not seen a more\npopulous place. The city is an exact square, each side of the wall\nbeing five hundred feet long. The two great streets, which run across\nand divide it into four quarters, are five feet wide. The lanes and\nalleys, which I could not enter, but only view them as I passed, are\nfrom twelve to eighteen inches. The town is capable of holding five\nhundred thousand souls: the houses are from three to five stories: the\nshops and markets well provided.\n\nThe emperor’s palace is in the centre of the city where the two great\nstreets meet. It is enclosed by a wall of two feet high, and twenty\nfeet distance from the buildings. I had his majesty’s permission to\nstep over this wall; and, the space being so wide between that and the\npalace, I could easily view it on every side. The outward court is a\nsquare of forty feet, and includes two other courts: in the inmost are\nthe royal apartments, which I was very desirous to see, but found it\nextremely difficult; for the great gates, from one square into another,\nwere but eighteen inches high, and seven inches wide. Now the buildings\nof the outer court were at least five feet high, and it was impossible\nfor me to stride over them without infinite damage to the pile, though\nthe walls were strongly built of hewn stone, and four inches thick. At\nthe same time the emperor had a great desire that I should see the\nmagnificence of his palace; but this I was not able to do till three\ndays after, which I spent in cutting down with my knife some of the\nlargest trees in the royal park, about a hundred yards distant from the\ncity. Of these trees I made two stools, each about three feet high, and\nstrong enough to bear my weight. The people having received notice a\nsecond time, I went again through the city to the palace with my two\nstools in my hands. When I came to the side of the outer court, I stood\nupon one stool, and took the other in my hand; this I lifted over the\nroof, and gently set it down on the space between the first and second\ncourt, which was eight feet wide. I then stept over the building very\nconveniently from one stool to the other, and drew up the first after\nme with a hooked stick. By this contrivance I got into the inmost\ncourt; and, lying down upon my side, I applied my face to the windows\nof the middle stories, which were left open on purpose, and discovered\nthe most splendid apartments that can be imagined. There I saw the\nempress and the young princes, in their several lodgings, with their\nchief attendants about them. Her imperial majesty was pleased to smile\nvery graciously upon me, and gave me out of the window her hand to\nkiss.\n\nBut I shall not anticipate the reader with further descriptions of this\nkind, because I reserve them for a greater work, which is now almost\nready for the press; containing a general description of this empire,\nfrom its first erection, through a long series of princes; with a\nparticular account of their wars and politics, laws, learning, and\nreligion; their plants and animals; their peculiar manners and customs,\nwith other matters very curious and useful; my chief design at present\nbeing only to relate such events and transactions as happened to the\npublic or to myself during a residence of about nine months in that\nempire.\n\nOne morning, about a fortnight after I had obtained my liberty,\nReldresal, principal secretary (as they style him) for private affairs,\ncame to my house attended only by one servant. He ordered his coach to\nwait at a distance, and desired I would give him an hour’s audience;\nwhich I readily consented to, on account of his quality and personal\nmerits, as well as of the many good offices he had done me during my\nsolicitations at court. I offered to lie down that he might the more\nconveniently reach my ear, but he chose rather to let me hold him in my\nhand during our conversation. He began with compliments on my liberty;\nsaid “he might pretend to some merit in it;” but, however, added, “that\nif it had not been for the present situation of things at court,\nperhaps I might not have obtained it so soon. For,” said he, “as\nflourishing a condition as we may appear to be in to foreigners, we\nlabour under two mighty evils: a violent faction at home, and the\ndanger of an invasion, by a most potent enemy, from abroad. As to the\nfirst, you are to understand, that for about seventy moons past there\nhave been two struggling parties in this empire, under the names of\n_Tramecksan_ and _Slamecksan_, from the high and low heels of their\nshoes, by which they distinguish themselves. It is alleged, indeed,\nthat the high heels are most agreeable to our ancient constitution;\nbut, however this be, his majesty has determined to make use only of\nlow heels in the administration of the government, and all offices in\nthe gift of the crown, as you cannot but observe; and particularly that\nhis majesty’s imperial heels are lower at least by a _drurr_ than any\nof his court (_drurr_ is a measure about the fourteenth part of an\ninch). The animosities between these two parties run so high, that they\nwill neither eat, nor drink, nor talk with each other. We compute the\n_Tramecksan_, or high heels, to exceed us in number; but the power is\nwholly on our side. We apprehend his imperial highness, the heir to the\ncrown, to have some tendency towards the high heels; at least we can\nplainly discover that one of his heels is higher than the other, which\ngives him a hobble in his gait. Now, in the midst of these intestine\ndisquiets, we are threatened with an invasion from the island of\nBlefuscu, which is the other great empire of the universe, almost as\nlarge and powerful as this of his majesty. For as to what we have heard\nyou affirm, that there are other kingdoms and states in the world\ninhabited by human creatures as large as yourself, our philosophers are\nin much doubt, and would rather conjecture that you dropped from the\nmoon, or one of the stars; because it is certain, that a hundred\nmortals of your bulk would in a short time destroy all the fruits and\ncattle of his majesty’s dominions: besides, our histories of six\nthousand moons make no mention of any other regions than the two great\nempires of Lilliput and Blefuscu. Which two mighty powers have, as I\nwas going to tell you, been engaged in a most obstinate war for\nsix-and-thirty moons past. It began upon the following occasion. It is\nallowed on all hands, that the primitive way of breaking eggs, before\nwe eat them, was upon the larger end; but his present majesty’s\ngrandfather, while he was a boy, going to eat an egg, and breaking it\naccording to the ancient practice, happened to cut one of his fingers.\nWhereupon the emperor his father published an edict, commanding all his\nsubjects, upon great penalties, to break the smaller end of their eggs.\nThe people so highly resented this law, that our histories tell us,\nthere have been six rebellions raised on that account; wherein one\nemperor lost his life, and another his crown. These civil commotions\nwere constantly fomented by the monarchs of Blefuscu; and when they\nwere quelled, the exiles always fled for refuge to that empire. It is\ncomputed that eleven thousand persons have at several times suffered\ndeath, rather than submit to break their eggs at the smaller end. Many\nhundred large volumes have been published upon this controversy: but\nthe books of the Big-endians have been long forbidden, and the whole\nparty rendered incapable by law of holding employments. During the\ncourse of these troubles, the emperors of Blefuscu did frequently\nexpostulate by their ambassadors, accusing us of making a schism in\nreligion, by offending against a fundamental doctrine of our great\nprophet Lustrog, in the fifty-fourth chapter of the Blundecral (which\nis their Alcoran). This, however, is thought to be a mere strain upon\nthe text; for the words are these: ‘that all true believers break their\neggs at the convenient end.’ And which is the convenient end, seems, in\nmy humble opinion to be left to every man’s conscience, or at least in\nthe power of the chief magistrate to determine. Now, the Big-endian\nexiles have found so much credit in the emperor of Blefuscu’s court,\nand so much private assistance and encouragement from their party here\nat home, that a bloody war has been carried on between the two empires\nfor six-and-thirty moons, with various success; during which time we\nhave lost forty capital ships, and a much greater number of smaller\nvessels, together with thirty thousand of our best seamen and soldiers;\nand the damage received by the enemy is reckoned to be somewhat greater\nthan ours. However, they have now equipped a numerous fleet, and are\njust preparing to make a descent upon us; and his imperial majesty,\nplacing great confidence in your valour and strength, has commanded me\nto lay this account of his affairs before you.”\n\nI desired the secretary to present my humble duty to the emperor; and\nto let him know, “that I thought it would not become me, who was a\nforeigner, to interfere with parties; but I was ready, with the hazard\nof my life, to defend his person and state against all invaders.”\n\n\nCHAPTER V.\n\nThe author, by an extraordinary stratagem, prevents an invasion. A high\ntitle of honour is conferred upon him. Ambassadors arrive from the\nemperor of Blefuscu, and sue for peace. The empress’s apartment on fire\nby an accident; the author instrumental in saving the rest of the\npalace.\n\n\nThe empire of Blefuscu is an island situated to the north-east of\nLilliput, from which it is parted only by a channel of eight hundred\nyards wide. I had not yet seen it, and upon this notice of an intended\ninvasion, I avoided appearing on that side of the coast, for fear of\nbeing discovered, by some of the enemy’s ships, who had received no\nintelligence of me; all intercourse between the two empires having been\nstrictly forbidden during the war, upon pain of death, and an embargo\nlaid by our emperor upon all vessels whatsoever. I communicated to his\nmajesty a project I had formed of seizing the enemy’s whole fleet;\nwhich, as our scouts assured us, lay at anchor in the harbour, ready to\nsail with the first fair wind. I consulted the most experienced seamen\nupon the depth of the channel, which they had often plumbed; who told\nme, that in the middle, at high-water, it was seventy _glumgluffs_\ndeep, which is about six feet of European measure; and the rest of it\nfifty _glumgluffs_ at most. I walked towards the north-east coast, over\nagainst Blefuscu, where, lying down behind a hillock, I took out my\nsmall perspective glass, and viewed the enemy’s fleet at anchor,\nconsisting of about fifty men of war, and a great number of transports:\nI then came back to my house, and gave orders (for which I had a\nwarrant) for a great quantity of the strongest cable and bars of iron.\nThe cable was about as thick as packthread and the bars of the length\nand size of a knitting-needle. I trebled the cable to make it stronger,\nand for the same reason I twisted three of the iron bars together,\nbending the extremities into a hook. Having thus fixed fifty hooks to\nas many cables, I went back to the north-east coast, and putting off my\ncoat, shoes, and stockings, walked into the sea, in my leathern jerkin,\nabout half an hour before high water. I waded with what haste I could,\nand swam in the middle about thirty yards, till I felt ground. I\narrived at the fleet in less than half an hour. The enemy was so\nfrightened when they saw me, that they leaped out of their ships, and\nswam to shore, where there could not be fewer than thirty thousand\nsouls. I then took my tackling, and, fastening a hook to the hole at\nthe prow of each, I tied all the cords together at the end. While I was\nthus employed, the enemy discharged several thousand arrows, many of\nwhich stuck in my hands and face, and, beside the excessive smart, gave\nme much disturbance in my work. My greatest apprehension was for my\neyes, which I should have infallibly lost, if I had not suddenly\nthought of an expedient. I kept, among other little necessaries, a pair\nof spectacles in a private pocket, which, as I observed before, had\nescaped the emperor’s searchers. These I took out and fastened as\nstrongly as I could upon my nose, and thus armed, went on boldly with\nmy work, in spite of the enemy’s arrows, many of which struck against\nthe glasses of my spectacles, but without any other effect, further\nthan a little to discompose them. I had now fastened all the hooks,\nand, taking the knot in my hand, began to pull; but not a ship would\nstir, for they were all too fast held by their anchors, so that the\nboldest part of my enterprise remained. I therefore let go the cord,\nand leaving the hooks fixed to the ships, I resolutely cut with my\nknife the cables that fastened the anchors, receiving about two hundred\nshots in my face and hands; then I took up the knotted end of the\ncables, to which my hooks were tied, and with great ease drew fifty of\nthe enemy’s largest men of war after me.\n\nThe Blefuscudians, who had not the least imagination of what I\nintended, were at first confounded with astonishment. They had seen me\ncut the cables, and thought my design was only to let the ships run\nadrift or fall foul on each other: but when they perceived the whole\nfleet moving in order, and saw me pulling at the end, they set up such\na scream of grief and despair as it is almost impossible to describe or\nconceive. When I had got out of danger, I stopped awhile to pick out\nthe arrows that stuck in my hands and face; and rubbed on some of the\nsame ointment that was given me at my first arrival, as I have formerly\nmentioned. I then took off my spectacles, and waiting about an hour,\ntill the tide was a little fallen, I waded through the middle with my\ncargo, and arrived safe at the royal port of Lilliput.\n\nThe emperor and his whole court stood on the shore, expecting the issue\nof this great adventure. They saw the ships move forward in a large\nhalf-moon, but could not discern me, who was up to my breast in water.\nWhen I advanced to the middle of the channel, they were yet more in\npain, because I was under water to my neck. The emperor concluded me to\nbe drowned, and that the enemy’s fleet was approaching in a hostile\nmanner: but he was soon eased of his fears; for the channel growing\nshallower every step I made, I came in a short time within hearing, and\nholding up the end of the cable, by which the fleet was fastened, I\ncried in a loud voice, “Long live the most puissant king of Lilliput!”\nThis great prince received me at my landing with all possible\nencomiums, and created me a _nardac_ upon the spot, which is the\nhighest title of honour among them.\n\nHis majesty desired I would take some other opportunity of bringing all\nthe rest of his enemy’s ships into his ports. And so unmeasureable is\nthe ambition of princes, that he seemed to think of nothing less than\nreducing the whole empire of Blefuscu into a province, and governing\nit, by a viceroy; of destroying the Big-endian exiles, and compelling\nthat people to break the smaller end of their eggs, by which he would\nremain the sole monarch of the whole world. But I endeavoured to divert\nhim from this design, by many arguments drawn from the topics of policy\nas well as justice; and I plainly protested, “that I would never be an\ninstrument of bringing a free and brave people into slavery.” And, when\nthe matter was debated in council, the wisest part of the ministry were\nof my opinion.\n\nThis open bold declaration of mine was so opposite to the schemes and\npolitics of his imperial majesty, that he could never forgive me. He\nmentioned it in a very artful manner at council, where I was told that\nsome of the wisest appeared, at least by their silence, to be of my\nopinion; but others, who were my secret enemies, could not forbear some\nexpressions which, by a side-wind, reflected on me. And from this time\nbegan an intrigue between his majesty and a junto of ministers,\nmaliciously bent against me, which broke out in less than two months,\nand had like to have ended in my utter destruction. Of so little weight\nare the greatest services to princes, when put into the balance with a\nrefusal to gratify their passions.\n\nAbout three weeks after this exploit, there arrived a solemn embassy\nfrom Blefuscu, with humble offers of a peace, which was soon concluded,\nupon conditions very advantageous to our emperor, wherewith I shall not\ntrouble the reader. There were six ambassadors, with a train of about\nfive hundred persons, and their entry was very magnificent, suitable to\nthe grandeur of their master, and the importance of their business.\nWhen their treaty was finished, wherein I did them several good offices\nby the credit I now had, or at least appeared to have, at court, their\nexcellencies, who were privately told how much I had been their friend,\nmade me a visit in form. They began with many compliments upon my\nvalour and generosity, invited me to that kingdom in the emperor their\nmaster’s name, and desired me to show them some proofs of my prodigious\nstrength, of which they had heard so many wonders; wherein I readily\nobliged them, but shall not trouble the reader with the particulars.\n\nWhen I had for some time entertained their excellencies, to their\ninfinite satisfaction and surprise, I desired they would do me the\nhonour to present my most humble respects to the emperor their master,\nthe renown of whose virtues had so justly filled the whole world with\nadmiration, and whose royal person I resolved to attend, before I\nreturned to my own country. Accordingly, the next time I had the honour\nto see our emperor, I desired his general license to wait on the\nBlefuscudian monarch, which he was pleased to grant me, as I could\nperceive, in a very cold manner; but could not guess the reason, till I\nhad a whisper from a certain person, “that Flimnap and Bolgolam had\nrepresented my intercourse with those ambassadors as a mark of\ndisaffection;” from which I am sure my heart was wholly free. And this\nwas the first time I began to conceive some imperfect idea of courts\nand ministers.\n\nIt is to be observed, that these ambassadors spoke to me, by an\ninterpreter, the languages of both empires differing as much from each\nother as any two in Europe, and each nation priding itself upon the\nantiquity, beauty, and energy of their own tongue, with an avowed\ncontempt for that of their neighbour; yet our emperor, standing upon\nthe advantage he had got by the seizure of their fleet, obliged them to\ndeliver their credentials, and make their speech, in the Lilliputian\ntongue. And it must be confessed, that from the great intercourse of\ntrade and commerce between both realms, from the continual reception of\nexiles which is mutual among them, and from the custom, in each empire,\nto send their young nobility and richer gentry to the other, in order\nto polish themselves by seeing the world, and understanding men and\nmanners; there are few persons of distinction, or merchants, or seamen,\nwho dwell in the maritime parts, but what can hold conversation in both\ntongues; as I found some weeks after, when I went to pay my respects to\nthe emperor of Blefuscu, which, in the midst of great misfortunes,\nthrough the malice of my enemies, proved a very happy adventure to me,\nas I shall relate in its proper place.\n\nThe reader may remember, that when I signed those articles upon which I\nrecovered my liberty, there were some which I disliked, upon account of\ntheir being too servile; neither could anything but an extreme\nnecessity have forced me to submit. But being now a _nardac_ of the\nhighest rank in that empire, such offices were looked upon as below my\ndignity, and the emperor (to do him justice), never once mentioned them\nto me. However, it was not long before I had an opportunity of doing\nhis majesty, at least as I then thought, a most signal service. I was\nalarmed at midnight with the cries of many hundred people at my door;\nby which, being suddenly awaked, I was in some kind of terror. I heard\nthe word _Burglum_ repeated incessantly: several of the emperor’s\ncourt, making their way through the crowd, entreated me to come\nimmediately to the palace, where her imperial majesty’s apartment was\non fire, by the carelessness of a maid of honour, who fell asleep while\nshe was reading a romance. I got up in an instant; and orders being\ngiven to clear the way before me, and it being likewise a moonshine\nnight, I made a shift to get to the palace without trampling on any of\nthe people. I found they had already applied ladders to the walls of\nthe apartment, and were well provided with buckets, but the water was\nat some distance. These buckets were about the size of large thimbles,\nand the poor people supplied me with them as fast as they could: but\nthe flame was so violent that they did little good. I might easily have\nstifled it with my coat, which I unfortunately left behind me for\nhaste, and came away only in my leathern jerkin. The case seemed wholly\ndesperate and deplorable; and this magnificent palace would have\ninfallibly been burnt down to the ground, if, by a presence of mind\nunusual to me, I had not suddenly thought of an expedient. I had, the\nevening before, drunk plentifully of a most delicious wine called\n_glimigrim_, (the Blefuscudians call it _flunec_, but ours is esteemed\nthe better sort,) which is very diuretic. By the luckiest chance in the\nworld, I had not discharged myself of any part of it. The heat I had\ncontracted by coming very near the flames, and by labouring to quench\nthem, made the wine begin to operate by urine; which I voided in such a\nquantity, and applied so well to the proper places, that in three\nminutes the fire was wholly extinguished, and the rest of that noble\npile, which had cost so many ages in erecting, preserved from\ndestruction.\n\nIt was now day-light, and I returned to my house without waiting to\ncongratulate with the emperor: because, although I had done a very\neminent piece of service, yet I could not tell how his majesty might\nresent the manner by which I had performed it: for, by the fundamental\nlaws of the realm, it is capital in any person, of what quality soever,\nto make water within the precincts of the palace. But I was a little\ncomforted by a message from his majesty, “that he would give orders to\nthe grand justiciary for passing my pardon in form:” which, however, I\ncould not obtain; and I was privately assured, “that the empress,\nconceiving the greatest abhorrence of what I had done, removed to the\nmost distant side of the court, firmly resolved that those buildings\nshould never be repaired for her use: and, in the presence of her chief\nconfidents could not forbear vowing revenge.”\n\n\nCHAPTER VI.\n\nOf the inhabitants of Lilliput; their learning, laws, and customs; the\nmanner of educating their children. The author’s way of living in that\ncountry. His vindication of a great lady.\n\n\nAlthough I intend to leave the description of this empire to a\nparticular treatise, yet, in the mean time, I am content to gratify the\ncurious reader with some general ideas. As the common size of the\nnatives is somewhat under six inches high, so there is an exact\nproportion in all other animals, as well as plants and trees: for\ninstance, the tallest horses and oxen are between four and five inches\nin height, the sheep an inch and half, more or less: their geese about\nthe bigness of a sparrow, and so the several gradations downwards till\nyou come to the smallest, which to my sight, were almost invisible; but\nnature has adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to all objects proper\nfor their view: they see with great exactness, but at no great\ndistance. And, to show the sharpness of their sight towards objects\nthat are near, I have been much pleased with observing a cook pulling a\nlark, which was not so large as a common fly; and a young girl\nthreading an invisible needle with invisible silk. Their tallest trees\nare about seven feet high: I mean some of those in the great royal\npark, the tops whereof I could but just reach with my fist clenched.\nThe other vegetables are in the same proportion; but this I leave to\nthe reader’s imagination.\n\nI shall say but little at present of their learning, which, for many\nages, has flourished in all its branches among them: but their manner\nof writing is very peculiar, being neither from the left to the right,\nlike the Europeans, nor from the right to the left, like the Arabians,\nnor from up to down, like the Chinese, but aslant, from one corner of\nthe paper to the other, like ladies in England.\n\nThey bury their dead with their heads directly downward, because they\nhold an opinion, that in eleven thousand moons they are all to rise\nagain; in which period the earth (which they conceive to be flat) will\nturn upside down, and by this means they shall, at their resurrection,\nbe found ready standing on their feet. The learned among them confess\nthe absurdity of this doctrine; but the practice still continues, in\ncompliance to the vulgar.\n\nThere are some laws and customs in this empire very peculiar; and if\nthey were not so directly contrary to those of my own dear country, I\nshould be tempted to say a little in their justification. It is only to\nbe wished they were as well executed. The first I shall mention,\nrelates to informers. All crimes against the state, are punished here\nwith the utmost severity; but, if the person accused makes his\ninnocence plainly to appear upon his trial, the accuser is immediately\nput to an ignominious death; and out of his goods or lands the innocent\nperson is quadruply recompensed for the loss of his time, for the\ndanger he underwent, for the hardship of his imprisonment, and for all\nthe charges he has been at in making his defence; or, if that fund be\ndeficient, it is largely supplied by the crown. The emperor also\nconfers on him some public mark of his favour, and proclamation is made\nof his innocence through the whole city.\n\nThey look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft, and therefore\nseldom fail to punish it with death; for they allege, that care and\nvigilance, with a very common understanding, may preserve a man’s goods\nfrom thieves, but honesty has no defence against superior cunning; and,\nsince it is necessary that there should be a perpetual intercourse of\nbuying and selling, and dealing upon credit, where fraud is permitted\nand connived at, or has no law to punish it, the honest dealer is\nalways undone, and the knave gets the advantage. I remember, when I was\nonce interceding with the emperor for a criminal who had wronged his\nmaster of a great sum of money, which he had received by order and ran\naway with; and happening to tell his majesty, by way of extenuation,\nthat it was only a breach of trust, the emperor thought it monstrous in\nme to offer as a defence the greatest aggravation of the crime; and\ntruly I had little to say in return, farther than the common answer,\nthat different nations had different customs; for, I confess, I was\nheartily ashamed. [330]\n\nAlthough we usually call reward and punishment the two hinges upon\nwhich all government turns, yet I could never observe this maxim to be\nput in practice by any nation except that of Lilliput. Whoever can\nthere bring sufficient proof, that he has strictly observed the laws of\nhis country for seventy-three moons, has a claim to certain privileges,\naccording to his quality or condition of life, with a proportionable\nsum of money out of a fund appropriated for that use: he likewise\nacquires the title of _snilpall_, or legal, which is added to his name,\nbut does not descend to his posterity. And these people thought it a\nprodigious defect of policy among us, when I told them that our laws\nwere enforced only by penalties, without any mention of reward. It is\nupon this account that the image of Justice, in their courts of\njudicature, is formed with six eyes, two before, as many behind, and on\neach side one, to signify circumspection; with a bag of gold open in\nher right hand, and a sword sheathed in her left, to show she is more\ndisposed to reward than to punish.\n\nIn choosing persons for all employments, they have more regard to good\nmorals than to great abilities; for, since government is necessary to\nmankind, they believe, that the common size of human understanding is\nfitted to some station or other; and that Providence never intended to\nmake the management of public affairs a mystery to be comprehended only\nby a few persons of sublime genius, of which there seldom are three\nborn in an age: but they suppose truth, justice, temperance, and the\nlike, to be in every man’s power; the practice of which virtues,\nassisted by experience and a good intention, would qualify any man for\nthe service of his country, except where a course of study is required.\nBut they thought the want of moral virtues was so far from being\nsupplied by superior endowments of the mind, that employments could\nnever be put into such dangerous hands as those of persons so\nqualified; and, at least, that the mistakes committed by ignorance, in\na virtuous disposition, would never be of such fatal consequence to the\npublic weal, as the practices of a man, whose inclinations led him to\nbe corrupt, and who had great abilities to manage, to multiply, and\ndefend his corruptions.\n\nIn like manner, the disbelief of a Divine Providence renders a man\nincapable of holding any public station; for, since kings avow\nthemselves to be the deputies of Providence, the Lilliputians think\nnothing can be more absurd than for a prince to employ such men as\ndisown the authority under which he acts.\n\nIn relating these and the following laws, I would only be understood to\nmean the original institutions, and not the most scandalous\ncorruptions, into which these people are fallen by the degenerate\nnature of man. For, as to that infamous practice of acquiring great\nemployments by dancing on the ropes, or badges of favour and\ndistinction by leaping over sticks and creeping under them, the reader\nis to observe, that they were first introduced by the grandfather of\nthe emperor now reigning, and grew to the present height by the gradual\nincrease of party and faction.\n\nIngratitude is among them a capital crime, as we read it to have been\nin some other countries: for they reason thus; that whoever makes ill\nreturns to his benefactor, must needs be a common enemy to the rest of\nmankind, from whom he has received no obligation, and therefore such a\nman is not fit to live.\n\nTheir notions relating to the duties of parents and children differ\nextremely from ours. For, since the conjunction of male and female is\nfounded upon the great law of nature, in order to propagate and\ncontinue the species, the Lilliputians will needs have it, that men and\nwomen are joined together, like other animals, by the motives of\nconcupiscence; and that their tenderness towards their young proceeds\nfrom the like natural principle: for which reason they will never allow\nthat a child is under any obligation to his father for begetting him,\nor to his mother for bringing him into the world; which, considering\nthe miseries of human life, was neither a benefit in itself, nor\nintended so by his parents, whose thoughts, in their love encounters,\nwere otherwise employed. Upon these, and the like reasonings, their\nopinion is, that parents are the last of all others to be trusted with\nthe education of their own children; and therefore they have in every\ntown public nurseries, where all parents, except cottagers and\nlabourers, are obliged to send their infants of both sexes to be reared\nand educated, when they come to the age of twenty moons, at which time\nthey are supposed to have some rudiments of docility. These schools are\nof several kinds, suited to different qualities, and both sexes. They\nhave certain professors well skilled in preparing children for such a\ncondition of life as befits the rank of their parents, and their own\ncapacities, as well as inclinations. I shall first say something of the\nmale nurseries, and then of the female.\n\nThe nurseries for males of noble or eminent birth, are provided with\ngrave and learned professors, and their several deputies. The clothes\nand food of the children are plain and simple. They are bred up in the\nprinciples of honour, justice, courage, modesty, clemency, religion,\nand love of their country; they are always employed in some business,\nexcept in the times of eating and sleeping, which are very short, and\ntwo hours for diversions consisting of bodily exercises. They are\ndressed by men till four years of age, and then are obliged to dress\nthemselves, although their quality be ever so great; and the women\nattendant, who are aged proportionably to ours at fifty, perform only\nthe most menial offices. They are never suffered to converse with\nservants, but go together in smaller or greater numbers to take their\ndiversions, and always in the presence of a professor, or one of his\ndeputies; whereby they avoid those early bad impressions of folly and\nvice, to which our children are subject. Their parents are suffered to\nsee them only twice a year; the visit is to last but an hour; they are\nallowed to kiss the child at meeting and parting; but a professor, who\nalways stands by on those occasions, will not suffer them to whisper,\nor use any fondling expressions, or bring any presents of toys,\nsweetmeats, and the like.\n\nThe pension from each family for the education and entertainment of a\nchild, upon failure of due payment, is levied by the emperor’s\nofficers.\n\nThe nurseries for children of ordinary gentlemen, merchants, traders,\nand handicrafts, are managed proportionably after the same manner; only\nthose designed for trades are put out apprentices at eleven years old,\nwhereas those of persons of quality continue in their exercises till\nfifteen, which answers to twenty-one with us: but the confinement is\ngradually lessened for the last three years.\n\nIn the female nurseries, the young girls of quality are educated much\nlike the males, only they are dressed by orderly servants of their own\nsex; but always in the presence of a professor or deputy, till they\ncome to dress themselves, which is at five years old. And if it be\nfound that these nurses ever presume to entertain the girls with\nfrightful or foolish stories, or the common follies practised by\nchambermaids among us, they are publicly whipped thrice about the city,\nimprisoned for a year, and banished for life to the most desolate part\nof the country. Thus the young ladies are as much ashamed of being\ncowards and fools as the men, and despise all personal ornaments,\nbeyond decency and cleanliness: neither did I perceive any difference\nin their education made by their difference of sex, only that the\nexercises of the females were not altogether so robust; and that some\nrules were given them relating to domestic life, and a smaller compass\nof learning was enjoined them: for their maxim is, that among peoples\nof quality, a wife should be always a reasonable and agreeable\ncompanion, because she cannot always be young. When the girls are\ntwelve years old, which among them is the marriageable age, their\nparents or guardians take them home, with great expressions of\ngratitude to the professors, and seldom without tears of the young lady\nand her companions.\n\nIn the nurseries of females of the meaner sort, the children are\ninstructed in all kinds of works proper for their sex, and their\nseveral degrees: those intended for apprentices are dismissed at seven\nyears old, the rest are kept to eleven.\n\nThe meaner families who have children at these nurseries, are obliged,\nbesides their annual pension, which is as low as possible, to return to\nthe steward of the nursery a small monthly share of their gettings, to\nbe a portion for the child; and therefore all parents are limited in\ntheir expenses by the law. For the Lilliputians think nothing can be\nmore unjust, than for people, in subservience to their own appetites,\nto bring children into the world, and leave the burthen of supporting\nthem on the public. As to persons of quality, they give security to\nappropriate a certain sum for each child, suitable to their condition;\nand these funds are always managed with good husbandry and the most\nexact justice.\n\nThe cottagers and labourers keep their children at home, their business\nbeing only to till and cultivate the earth, and therefore their\neducation is of little consequence to the public: but the old and\ndiseased among them are supported by hospitals; for begging is a trade\nunknown in this empire.\n\nAnd here it may, perhaps, divert the curious reader, to give some\naccount of my domestics, and my manner of living in this country,\nduring a residence of nine months, and thirteen days. Having a head\nmechanically turned, and being likewise forced by necessity, I had made\nfor myself a table and chair convenient enough, out of the largest\ntrees in the royal park. Two hundred sempstresses were employed to make\nme shirts, and linen for my bed and table, all of the strongest and\ncoarsest kind they could get; which, however, they were forced to quilt\ntogether in several folds, for the thickest was some degrees finer than\nlawn. Their linen is usually three inches wide, and three feet make a\npiece. The sempstresses took my measure as I lay on the ground, one\nstanding at my neck, and another at my mid-leg, with a strong cord\nextended, that each held by the end, while a third measured the length\nof the cord with a rule of an inch long. Then they measured my right\nthumb, and desired no more; for by a mathematical computation, that\ntwice round the thumb is once round the wrist, and so on to the neck\nand the waist, and by the help of my old shirt, which I displayed on\nthe ground before them for a pattern, they fitted me exactly. Three\nhundred tailors were employed in the same manner to make me clothes;\nbut they had another contrivance for taking my measure. I kneeled down,\nand they raised a ladder from the ground to my neck; upon this ladder\none of them mounted, and let fall a plumb-line from my collar to the\nfloor, which just answered the length of my coat: but my waist and arms\nI measured myself. When my clothes were finished, which was done in my\nhouse (for the largest of theirs would not have been able to hold\nthem), they looked like the patch-work made by the ladies in England,\nonly that mine were all of a colour.\n\nI had three hundred cooks to dress my victuals, in little convenient\nhuts built about my house, where they and their families lived, and\nprepared me two dishes a-piece. I took up twenty waiters in my hand,\nand placed them on the table: a hundred more attended below on the\nground, some with dishes of meat, and some with barrels of wine and\nother liquors slung on their shoulders; all which the waiters above\ndrew up, as I wanted, in a very ingenious manner, by certain cords, as\nwe draw the bucket up a well in Europe. A dish of their meat was a good\nmouthful, and a barrel of their liquor a reasonable draught. Their\nmutton yields to ours, but their beef is excellent. I have had a\nsirloin so large, that I have been forced to make three bites of it;\nbut this is rare. My servants were astonished to see me eat it, bones\nand all, as in our country we do the leg of a lark. Their geese and\nturkeys I usually ate at a mouthful, and I confess they far exceed\nours. Of their smaller fowl I could take up twenty or thirty at the end\nof my knife.\n\nOne day his imperial majesty, being informed of my way of living,\ndesired “that himself and his royal consort, with the young princes of\nthe blood of both sexes, might have the happiness,” as he was pleased\nto call it, “of dining with me.” They came accordingly, and I placed\nthem in chairs of state, upon my table, just over against me, with\ntheir guards about them. Flimnap, the lord high treasurer, attended\nthere likewise with his white staff; and I observed he often looked on\nme with a sour countenance, which I would not seem to regard, but ate\nmore than usual, in honour to my dear country, as well as to fill the\ncourt with admiration. I have some private reasons to believe, that\nthis visit from his majesty gave Flimnap an opportunity of doing me ill\noffices to his master. That minister had always been my secret enemy,\nthough he outwardly caressed me more than was usual to the moroseness\nof his nature. He represented to the emperor “the low condition of his\ntreasury; that he was forced to take up money at a great discount; that\nexchequer bills would not circulate under nine per cent. below par;\nthat I had cost his majesty above a million and a half of _sprugs_”\n(their greatest gold coin, about the bigness of a spangle) “and, upon\nthe whole, that it would be advisable in the emperor to take the first\nfair occasion of dismissing me.”\n\nI am here obliged to vindicate the reputation of an excellent lady, who\nwas an innocent sufferer upon my account. The treasurer took a fancy to\nbe jealous of his wife, from the malice of some evil tongues, who\ninformed him that her grace had taken a violent affection for my\nperson; and the court scandal ran for some time, that she once came\nprivately to my lodging. This I solemnly declare to be a most infamous\nfalsehood, without any grounds, further than that her grace was pleased\nto treat me with all innocent marks of freedom and friendship. I own\nshe came often to my house, but always publicly, nor ever without three\nmore in the coach, who were usually her sister and young daughter, and\nsome particular acquaintance; but this was common to many other ladies\nof the court. And I still appeal to my servants round, whether they at\nany time saw a coach at my door, without knowing what persons were in\nit. On those occasions, when a servant had given me notice, my custom\nwas to go immediately to the door, and, after paying my respects, to\ntake up the coach and two horses very carefully in my hands (for, if\nthere were six horses, the postillion always unharnessed four,) and\nplace them on a table, where I had fixed a movable rim quite round, of\nfive inches high, to prevent accidents. And I have often had four\ncoaches and horses at once on my table, full of company, while I sat in\nmy chair, leaning my face towards them; and when I was engaged with one\nset, the coachmen would gently drive the others round my table. I have\npassed many an afternoon very agreeably in these conversations. But I\ndefy the treasurer, or his two informers (I will name them, and let\nthem make the best of it) Clustril and Drunlo, to prove that any person\never came to me _incognito_, except the secretary Reldresal, who was\nsent by express command of his imperial majesty, as I have before\nrelated. I should not have dwelt so long upon this particular, if it\nhad not been a point wherein the reputation of a great lady is so\nnearly concerned, to say nothing of my own; though I then had the\nhonour to be a _nardac_, which the treasurer himself is not; for all\nthe world knows, that he is only a _glumglum_, a title inferior by one\ndegree, as that of a marquis is to a duke in England; yet I allow he\npreceded me in right of his post. These false informations, which I\nafterwards came to the knowledge of by an accident not proper to\nmention, made the treasurer show his lady for some time an ill\ncountenance, and me a worse; and although he was at last undeceived and\nreconciled to her, yet I lost all credit with him, and found my\ninterest decline very fast with the emperor himself, who was, indeed,\ntoo much governed by that favourite.\n\n\nCHAPTER VII.\n\nThe author, being informed of a design to accuse him of high-treason,\nmakes his escape to Blefuscu. His reception there.\n\n\nBefore I proceed to give an account of my leaving this kingdom, it may\nbe proper to inform the reader of a private intrigue which had been for\ntwo months forming against me.\n\nI had been hitherto, all my life, a stranger to courts, for which I was\nunqualified by the meanness of my condition. I had indeed heard and\nread enough of the dispositions of great princes and ministers, but\nnever expected to have found such terrible effects of them, in so\nremote a country, governed, as I thought, by very different maxims from\nthose in Europe.\n\nWhen I was just preparing to pay my attendance on the emperor of\nBlefuscu, a considerable person at court (to whom I had been very\nserviceable, at a time when he lay under the highest displeasure of his\nimperial majesty) came to my house very privately at night, in a close\nchair, and, without sending his name, desired admittance. The chairmen\nwere dismissed; I put the chair, with his lordship in it, into my\ncoat-pocket: and, giving orders to a trusty servant, to say I was\nindisposed and gone to sleep, I fastened the door of my house, placed\nthe chair on the table, according to my usual custom, and sat down by\nit. After the common salutations were over, observing his lordship’s\ncountenance full of concern, and inquiring into the reason, he desired\n“I would hear him with patience, in a matter that highly concerned my\nhonour and my life.” His speech was to the following effect, for I took\nnotes of it as soon as he left me:—\n\n“You are to know,” said he, “that several committees of council have\nbeen lately called, in the most private manner, on your account; and it\nis but two days since his majesty came to a full resolution.\n\n“You are very sensible that Skyresh Bolgolam” (_galbet_, or\nhigh-admiral) “has been your mortal enemy, almost ever since your\narrival. His original reasons I know not; but his hatred is increased\nsince your great success against Blefuscu, by which his glory as\nadmiral is much obscured. This lord, in conjunction with Flimnap the\nhigh-treasurer, whose enmity against you is notorious on account of his\nlady, Limtoc the general, Lalcon the chamberlain, and Balmuff the grand\njusticiary, have prepared articles of impeachment against you, for\ntreason and other capital crimes.”\n\nThis preface made me so impatient, being conscious of my own merits and\ninnocence, that I was going to interrupt him; when he entreated me to\nbe silent, and thus proceeded:—\n\n“Out of gratitude for the favours you have done me, I procured\ninformation of the whole proceedings, and a copy of the articles;\nwherein I venture my head for your service.\n\n\n“‘_Articles of Impeachment against_ QUINBUS FLESTRIN, (_the\nMan-Mountain_.)\n\nArticle I.\n\n\n“‘Whereas, by a statute made in the reign of his imperial majesty Calin\nDeffar Plune, it is enacted, that, whoever shall make water within the\nprecincts of the royal palace, shall be liable to the pains and\npenalties of high-treason; notwithstanding, the said Quinbus Flestrin,\nin open breach of the said law, under colour of extinguishing the fire\nkindled in the apartment of his majesty’s most dear imperial consort,\ndid maliciously, traitorously, and devilishly, by discharge of his\nurine, put out the said fire kindled in the said apartment, lying and\nbeing within the precincts of the said royal palace, against the\nstatute in that case provided, etc. against the duty, etc.\n\nArticle II.\n\n\n“‘That the said Quinbus Flestrin, having brought the imperial fleet of\nBlefuscu into the royal port, and being afterwards commanded by his\nimperial majesty to seize all the other ships of the said empire of\nBlefuscu, and reduce that empire to a province, to be governed by a\nviceroy from hence, and to destroy and put to death, not only all the\nBig-endian exiles, but likewise all the people of that empire who would\nnot immediately forsake the Big-endian heresy, he, the said Flestrin,\nlike a false traitor against his most auspicious, serene, imperial\nmajesty, did petition to be excused from the said service, upon\npretence of unwillingness to force the consciences, or destroy the\nliberties and lives of an innocent people.\n\nArticle III.\n\n\n“‘That, whereas certain ambassadors arrived from the Court of Blefuscu,\nto sue for peace in his majesty’s court, he, the said Flestrin, did,\nlike a false traitor, aid, abet, comfort, and divert, the said\nambassadors, although he knew them to be servants to a prince who was\nlately an open enemy to his imperial majesty, and in an open war\nagainst his said majesty.\n\nArticle IV.\n\n\n“‘That the said Quinbus Flestrin, contrary to the duty of a faithful\nsubject, is now preparing to make a voyage to the court and empire of\nBlefuscu, for which he has received only verbal license from his\nimperial majesty; and, under colour of the said license, does falsely\nand traitorously intend to take the said voyage, and thereby to aid,\ncomfort, and abet the emperor of Blefuscu, so lately an enemy, and in\nopen war with his imperial majesty aforesaid.’\n\n\n“There are some other articles; but these are the most important, of\nwhich I have read you an abstract.\n\n“In the several debates upon this impeachment, it must be confessed\nthat his majesty gave many marks of his great lenity; often urging the\nservices you had done him, and endeavouring to extenuate your crimes.\nThe treasurer and admiral insisted that you should be put to the most\npainful and ignominious death, by setting fire to your house at night,\nand the general was to attend with twenty thousand men, armed with\npoisoned arrows, to shoot you on the face and hands. Some of your\nservants were to have private orders to strew a poisonous juice on your\nshirts and sheets, which would soon make you tear your own flesh, and\ndie in the utmost torture. The general came into the same opinion; so\nthat for a long time there was a majority against you; but his majesty\nresolving, if possible, to spare your life, at last brought off the\nchamberlain.\n\n“Upon this incident, Reldresal, principal secretary for private\naffairs, who always approved himself your true friend, was commanded by\nthe emperor to deliver his opinion, which he accordingly did; and\ntherein justified the good thoughts you have of him. He allowed your\ncrimes to be great, but that still there was room for mercy, the most\ncommendable virtue in a prince, and for which his majesty was so justly\ncelebrated. He said, the friendship between you and him was so well\nknown to the world, that perhaps the most honourable board might think\nhim partial; however, in obedience to the command he had received, he\nwould freely offer his sentiments. That if his majesty, in\nconsideration of your services, and pursuant to his own merciful\ndisposition, would please to spare your life, and only give orders to\nput out both your eyes, he humbly conceived, that by this expedient\njustice might in some measure be satisfied, and all the world would\napplaud the lenity of the emperor, as well as the fair and generous\nproceedings of those who have the honour to be his counsellors. That\nthe loss of your eyes would be no impediment to your bodily strength,\nby which you might still be useful to his majesty; that blindness is an\naddition to courage, by concealing dangers from us; that the fear you\nhad for your eyes, was the greatest difficulty in bringing over the\nenemy’s fleet, and it would be sufficient for you to see by the eyes of\nthe ministers, since the greatest princes do no more.\n\n“This proposal was received with the utmost disapprobation by the whole\nboard. Bolgolam, the admiral, could not preserve his temper, but,\nrising up in fury, said, he wondered how the secretary durst presume to\ngive his opinion for preserving the life of a traitor; that the\nservices you had performed were, by all true reasons of state, the\ngreat aggravation of your crimes; that you, who were able to extinguish\nthe fire by discharge of urine in her majesty’s apartment (which he\nmentioned with horror), might, at another time, raise an inundation by\nthe same means, to drown the whole palace; and the same strength which\nenabled you to bring over the enemy’s fleet, might serve, upon the\nfirst discontent, to carry it back; that he had good reasons to think\nyou were a Big-endian in your heart; and, as treason begins in the\nheart, before it appears in overt acts, so he accused you as a traitor\non that account, and therefore insisted you should be put to death.\n\n“The treasurer was of the same opinion: he showed to what straits his\nmajesty’s revenue was reduced, by the charge of maintaining you, which\nwould soon grow insupportable; that the secretary’s expedient of\nputting out your eyes, was so far from being a remedy against this\nevil, that it would probably increase it, as is manifest from the\ncommon practice of blinding some kind of fowls, after which they fed\nthe faster, and grew sooner fat; that his sacred majesty and the\ncouncil, who are your judges, were, in their own consciences, fully\nconvinced of your guilt, which was a sufficient argument to condemn you\nto death, without the formal proofs required by the strict letter of\nthe law.\n\n“But his imperial majesty, fully determined against capital punishment,\nwas graciously pleased to say, that since the council thought the loss\nof your eyes too easy a censure, some other way may be inflicted\nhereafter. And your friend the secretary, humbly desiring to be heard\nagain, in answer to what the treasurer had objected, concerning the\ngreat charge his majesty was at in maintaining you, said, that his\nexcellency, who had the sole disposal of the emperor’s revenue, might\neasily provide against that evil, by gradually lessening your\nestablishment; by which, for want of sufficient food, you would grow\nweak and faint, and lose your appetite, and consequently, decay, and\nconsume in a few months; neither would the stench of your carcass be\nthen so dangerous, when it should become more than half diminished; and\nimmediately upon your death five or six thousand of his majesty’s\nsubjects might, in two or three days, cut your flesh from your bones,\ntake it away by cart-loads, and bury it in distant parts, to prevent\ninfection, leaving the skeleton as a monument of admiration to\nposterity.\n\n“Thus, by the great friendship of the secretary, the whole affair was\ncompromised. It was strictly enjoined, that the project of starving you\nby degrees should be kept a secret; but the sentence of putting out\nyour eyes was entered on the books; none dissenting, except Bolgolam\nthe admiral, who, being a creature of the empress, was perpetually\ninstigated by her majesty to insist upon your death, she having borne\nperpetual malice against you, on account of that infamous and illegal\nmethod you took to extinguish the fire in her apartment.\n\n“In three days your friend the secretary will be directed to come to\nyour house, and read before you the articles of impeachment; and then\nto signify the great lenity and favour of his majesty and council,\nwhereby you are only condemned to the loss of your eyes, which his\nmajesty does not question you will gratefully and humbly submit to; and\ntwenty of his majesty’s surgeons will attend, in order to see the\noperation well performed, by discharging very sharp-pointed arrows into\nthe balls of your eyes, as you lie on the ground.\n\n“I leave to your prudence what measures you will take; and to avoid\nsuspicion, I must immediately return in as private a manner as I came.”\n\nHis lordship did so; and I remained alone, under many doubts and\nperplexities of mind.\n\nIt was a custom introduced by this prince and his ministry (very\ndifferent, as I have been assured, from the practice of former times,)\nthat after the court had decreed any cruel execution, either to gratify\nthe monarch’s resentment, or the malice of a favourite, the emperor\nalways made a speech to his whole council, expressing his great lenity\nand tenderness, as qualities known and confessed by all the world. This\nspeech was immediately published throughout the kingdom; nor did any\nthing terrify the people so much as those encomiums on his majesty’s\nmercy; because it was observed, that the more these praises were\nenlarged and insisted on, the more inhuman was the punishment, and the\nsufferer more innocent. Yet, as to myself, I must confess, having never\nbeen designed for a courtier, either by my birth or education, I was so\nill a judge of things, that I could not discover the lenity and favour\nof this sentence, but conceived it (perhaps erroneously) rather to be\nrigorous than gentle. I sometimes thought of standing my trial, for,\nalthough I could not deny the facts alleged in the several articles,\nyet I hoped they would admit of some extenuation. But having in my life\nperused many state-trials, which I ever observed to terminate as the\njudges thought fit to direct, I durst not rely on so dangerous a\ndecision, in so critical a juncture, and against such powerful enemies.\nOnce I was strongly bent upon resistance, for, while I had liberty the\nwhole strength of that empire could hardly subdue me, and I might\neasily with stones pelt the metropolis to pieces; but I soon rejected\nthat project with horror, by remembering the oath I had made to the\nemperor, the favours I received from him, and the high title of\n_nardac_ he conferred upon me. Neither had I so soon learned the\ngratitude of courtiers, to persuade myself, that his majesty’s present\nseverities acquitted me of all past obligations.\n\nAt last, I fixed upon a resolution, for which it is probable I may\nincur some censure, and not unjustly; for I confess I owe the\npreserving of my eyes, and consequently my liberty, to my own great\nrashness and want of experience; because, if I had then known the\nnature of princes and ministers, which I have since observed in many\nother courts, and their methods of treating criminals less obnoxious\nthan myself, I should, with great alacrity and readiness, have\nsubmitted to so easy a punishment. But hurried on by the precipitancy\nof youth, and having his imperial majesty’s license to pay my\nattendance upon the emperor of Blefuscu, I took this opportunity,\nbefore the three days were elapsed, to send a letter to my friend the\nsecretary, signifying my resolution of setting out that morning for\nBlefuscu, pursuant to the leave I had got; and, without waiting for an\nanswer, I went to that side of the island where our fleet lay. I seized\na large man of war, tied a cable to the prow, and, lifting up the\nanchors, I stripped myself, put my clothes (together with my coverlet,\nwhich I carried under my arm) into the vessel, and, drawing it after\nme, between wading and swimming arrived at the royal port of Blefuscu,\nwhere the people had long expected me: they lent me two guides to\ndirect me to the capital city, which is of the same name. I held them\nin my hands, till I came within two hundred yards of the gate, and\ndesired them “to signify my arrival to one of the secretaries, and let\nhim know, I there waited his majesty’s command.” I had an answer in\nabout an hour, “that his majesty, attended by the royal family, and\ngreat officers of the court, was coming out to receive me.” I advanced\na hundred yards. The emperor and his train alighted from their horses,\nthe empress and ladies from their coaches, and I did not perceive they\nwere in any fright or concern. I lay on the ground to kiss his\nmajesty’s and the empress’s hands. I told his majesty, “that I was come\naccording to my promise, and with the license of the emperor my master,\nto have the honour of seeing so mighty a monarch, and to offer him any\nservice in my power, consistent with my duty to my own prince;” not\nmentioning a word of my disgrace, because I had hitherto no regular\ninformation of it, and might suppose myself wholly ignorant of any such\ndesign; neither could I reasonably conceive that the emperor would\ndiscover the secret, while I was out of his power; wherein, however, it\nsoon appeared I was deceived.\n\nI shall not trouble the reader with the particular account of my\nreception at this court, which was suitable to the generosity of so\ngreat a prince; nor of the difficulties I was in for want of a house\nand bed, being forced to lie on the ground, wrapped up in my coverlet.\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII.\n\nThe author, by a lucky accident, finds means to leave Blefuscu; and,\nafter some difficulties, returns safe to his native country.\n\n\nThree days after my arrival, walking out of curiosity to the north-east\ncoast of the island, I observed, about half a league off in the sea,\nsomewhat that looked like a boat overturned. I pulled off my shoes and\nstockings, and, wading two or three hundred yards, I found the object\nto approach nearer by force of the tide; and then plainly saw it to be\na real boat, which I supposed might by some tempest have been driven\nfrom a ship. Whereupon, I returned immediately towards the city, and\ndesired his imperial majesty to lend me twenty of the tallest vessels\nhe had left, after the loss of his fleet, and three thousand seamen,\nunder the command of his vice-admiral. This fleet sailed round, while I\nwent back the shortest way to the coast, where I first discovered the\nboat. I found the tide had driven it still nearer. The seamen were all\nprovided with cordage, which I had beforehand twisted to a sufficient\nstrength. When the ships came up, I stripped myself, and waded till I\ncame within a hundred yards of the boat, after which I was forced to\nswim till I got up to it. The seamen threw me the end of the cord,\nwhich I fastened to a hole in the fore-part of the boat, and the other\nend to a man of war; but I found all my labour to little purpose; for,\nbeing out of my depth, I was not able to work. In this necessity I was\nforced to swim behind, and push the boat forward, as often as I could,\nwith one of my hands; and the tide favouring me, I advanced so far that\nI could just hold up my chin and feel the ground. I rested two or three\nminutes, and then gave the boat another shove, and so on, till the sea\nwas no higher than my arm-pits; and now, the most laborious part being\nover, I took out my other cables, which were stowed in one of the\nships, and fastened them first to the boat, and then to nine of the\nvessels which attended me; the wind being favourable, the seamen towed,\nand I shoved, until we arrived within forty yards of the shore; and,\nwaiting till the tide was out, I got dry to the boat, and by the\nassistance of two thousand men, with ropes and engines, I made a shift\nto turn it on its bottom, and found it was but little damaged.\n\nI shall not trouble the reader with the difficulties I was under, by\nthe help of certain paddles, which cost me ten days making, to get my\nboat to the royal port of Blefuscu, where a mighty concourse of people\nappeared upon my arrival, full of wonder at the sight of so prodigious\na vessel. I told the emperor “that my good fortune had thrown this boat\nin my way, to carry me to some place whence I might return into my\nnative country; and begged his majesty’s orders for getting materials\nto fit it up, together with his license to depart;” which, after some\nkind expostulations, he was pleased to grant.\n\nI did very much wonder, in all this time, not to have heard of any\nexpress relating to me from our emperor to the court of Blefuscu. But I\nwas afterward given privately to understand, that his imperial majesty,\nnever imagining I had the least notice of his designs, believed I was\nonly gone to Blefuscu in performance of my promise, according to the\nlicense he had given me, which was well known at our court, and would\nreturn in a few days, when the ceremony was ended. But he was at last\nin pain at my long absence; and after consulting with the treasurer and\nthe rest of that cabal, a person of quality was dispatched with the\ncopy of the articles against me. This envoy had instructions to\nrepresent to the monarch of Blefuscu, “the great lenity of his master,\nwho was content to punish me no farther than with the loss of my eyes;\nthat I had fled from justice; and if I did not return in two hours, I\nshould be deprived of my title of _nardac_, and declared a traitor.”\nThe envoy further added, “that in order to maintain the peace and amity\nbetween both empires, his master expected that his brother of Blefuscu\nwould give orders to have me sent back to Lilliput, bound hand and\nfoot, to be punished as a traitor.”\n\nThe emperor of Blefuscu, having taken three days to consult, returned\nan answer consisting of many civilities and excuses. He said, “that as\nfor sending me bound, his brother knew it was impossible; that,\nalthough I had deprived him of his fleet, yet he owed great obligations\nto me for many good offices I had done him in making the peace. That,\nhowever, both their majesties would soon be made easy; for I had found\na prodigious vessel on the shore, able to carry me on the sea, which he\nhad given orders to fit up, with my own assistance and direction; and\nhe hoped, in a few weeks, both empires would be freed from so\ninsupportable an encumbrance.”\n\nWith this answer the envoy returned to Lilliput; and the monarch of\nBlefuscu related to me all that had passed; offering me at the same\ntime (but under the strictest confidence) his gracious protection, if I\nwould continue in his service; wherein, although I believed him\nsincere, yet I resolved never more to put any confidence in princes or\nministers, where I could possibly avoid it; and therefore, with all due\nacknowledgments for his favourable intentions, I humbly begged to be\nexcused. I told him, “that since fortune, whether good or evil, had\nthrown a vessel in my way, I was resolved to venture myself on the\nocean, rather than be an occasion of difference between two such mighty\nmonarchs.” Neither did I find the emperor at all displeased; and I\ndiscovered, by a certain accident, that he was very glad of my\nresolution, and so were most of his ministers.\n\nThese considerations moved me to hasten my departure somewhat sooner\nthan I intended; to which the court, impatient to have me gone, very\nreadily contributed. Five hundred workmen were employed to make two\nsails to my boat, according to my directions, by quilting thirteen\nfolds of their strongest linen together. I was at the pains of making\nropes and cables, by twisting ten, twenty, or thirty of the thickest\nand strongest of theirs. A great stone that I happened to find, after a\nlong search, by the sea-shore, served me for an anchor. I had the\ntallow of three hundred cows, for greasing my boat, and other uses. I\nwas at incredible pains in cutting down some of the largest\ntimber-trees, for oars and masts, wherein I was, however, much assisted\nby his majesty’s ship-carpenters, who helped me in smoothing them,\nafter I had done the rough work.\n\nIn about a month, when all was prepared, I sent to receive his\nmajesty’s commands, and to take my leave. The emperor and royal family\ncame out of the palace; I lay down on my face to kiss his hand, which\nhe very graciously gave me: so did the empress and young princes of the\nblood. His majesty presented me with fifty purses of two hundred\n_sprugs_ a-piece, together with his picture at full length, which I put\nimmediately into one of my gloves, to keep it from being hurt. The\nceremonies at my departure were too many to trouble the reader with at\nthis time.\n\nI stored the boat with the carcases of a hundred oxen, and three\nhundred sheep, with bread and drink proportionable, and as much meat\nready dressed as four hundred cooks could provide. I took with me six\ncows and two bulls alive, with as many ewes and rams, intending to\ncarry them into my own country, and propagate the breed. And to feed\nthem on board, I had a good bundle of hay, and a bag of corn. I would\ngladly have taken a dozen of the natives, but this was a thing the\nemperor would by no means permit; and, besides a diligent search into\nmy pockets, his majesty engaged my honour “not to carry away any of his\nsubjects, although with their own consent and desire.”\n\nHaving thus prepared all things as well as I was able, I set sail on\nthe twenty-fourth day of September 1701, at six in the morning; and\nwhen I had gone about four leagues to the northward, the wind being at\nsouth-east, at six in the evening I descried a small island, about half\na league to the north-west. I advanced forward, and cast anchor on the\nlee-side of the island, which seemed to be uninhabited. I then took\nsome refreshment, and went to my rest. I slept well, and as I\nconjectured at least six hours, for I found the day broke in two hours\nafter I awaked. It was a clear night. I ate my breakfast before the sun\nwas up; and heaving anchor, the wind being favourable, I steered the\nsame course that I had done the day before, wherein I was directed by\nmy pocket compass. My intention was to reach, if possible, one of those\nislands which I had reason to believe lay to the north-east of Van\nDiemen’s Land. I discovered nothing all that day; but upon the next,\nabout three in the afternoon, when I had by my computation made\ntwenty-four leagues from Blefuscu, I descried a sail steering to the\nsouth-east; my course was due east. I hailed her, but could get no\nanswer; yet I found I gained upon her, for the wind slackened. I made\nall the sail I could, and in half an hour she spied me, then hung out\nher ancient, and discharged a gun. It is not easy to express the joy I\nwas in, upon the unexpected hope of once more seeing my beloved\ncountry, and the dear pledges I left in it. The ship slackened her\nsails, and I came up with her between five and six in the evening,\nSeptember 26th; but my heart leaped within me to see her English\ncolours. I put my cows and sheep into my coat-pockets, and got on board\nwith all my little cargo of provisions. The vessel was an English\nmerchantman, returning from Japan by the North and South seas; the\ncaptain, Mr. John Biddel, of Deptford, a very civil man, and an\nexcellent sailor.\n\nWe were now in the latitude of 30 degrees south; there were about fifty\nmen in the ship; and here I met an old comrade of mine, one Peter\nWilliams, who gave me a good character to the captain. This gentleman\ntreated me with kindness, and desired I would let him know what place I\ncame from last, and whither I was bound; which I did in a few words,\nbut he thought I was raving, and that the dangers I underwent had\ndisturbed my head; whereupon I took my black cattle and sheep out of my\npocket, which, after great astonishment, clearly convinced him of my\nveracity. I then showed him the gold given me by the emperor of\nBlefuscu, together with his majesty’s picture at full length, and some\nother rarities of that country. I gave him two purses of two hundreds\n_sprugs_ each, and promised, when we arrived in England, to make him a\npresent of a cow and a sheep big with young.\n\nI shall not trouble the reader with a particular account of this\nvoyage, which was very prosperous for the most part. We arrived in the\nDowns on the 13th of April, 1702. I had only one misfortune, that the\nrats on board carried away one of my sheep; I found her bones in a\nhole, picked clean from the flesh. The rest of my cattle I got safe\nashore, and set them a-grazing in a bowling-green at Greenwich, where\nthe fineness of the grass made them feed very heartily, though I had\nalways feared the contrary: neither could I possibly have preserved\nthem in so long a voyage, if the captain had not allowed me some of his\nbest biscuit, which, rubbed to powder, and mingled with water, was\ntheir constant food. The short time I continued in England, I made a\nconsiderable profit by showing my cattle to many persons of quality and\nothers: and before I began my second voyage, I sold them for six\nhundred pounds. Since my last return I find the breed is considerably\nincreased, especially the sheep, which I hope will prove much to the\nadvantage of the woollen manufacture, by the fineness of the fleeces.\n\nI stayed but two months with my wife and family, for my insatiable\ndesire of seeing foreign countries, would suffer me to continue no\nlonger. I left fifteen hundred pounds with my wife, and fixed her in a\ngood house at Redriff. My remaining stock I carried with me, part in\nmoney and part in goods, in hopes to improve my fortunes. My eldest\nuncle John had left me an estate in land, near Epping, of about thirty\npounds a year; and I had a long lease of the Black Bull in Fetter Lane,\nwhich yielded me as much more; so that I was not in any danger of\nleaving my family upon the parish. My son Johnny, named so after his\nuncle, was at the grammar school, and a towardly child. My daughter\nBetty (who is now well married, and has children) was then at her\nneedlework. I took leave of my wife, and boy and girl, with tears on\nboth sides, and went on board the Adventure, a merchant ship of three\nhundred tons, bound for Surat, captain John Nicholas, of Liverpool,\ncommander. But my account of this voyage must be referred to the Second\nPart of my Travels.\n\n\nPART II. A VOYAGE TO BROBDINGNAG.\n\n\nCHAPTER I.\n\nA great storm described; the long boat sent to fetch water; the author\ngoes with it to discover the country. He is left on shore, is seized by\none of the natives, and carried to a farmer’s house. His reception,\nwith several accidents that happened there. A description of the\ninhabitants.\n\n\nHaving been condemned, by nature and fortune, to active and restless\nlife, in two months after my return, I again left my native country,\nand took shipping in the Downs, on the 20th day of June, 1702, in the\nAdventure, Captain John Nicholas, a Cornish man, commander, bound for\nSurat. We had a very prosperous gale, till we arrived at the Cape of\nGood Hope, where we landed for fresh water; but discovering a leak, we\nunshipped our goods and wintered there; for the captain falling sick of\nan ague, we could not leave the Cape till the end of March. We then set\nsail, and had a good voyage till we passed the Straits of Madagascar;\nbut having got northward of that island, and to about five degrees\nsouth latitude, the winds, which in those seas are observed to blow a\nconstant equal gale between the north and west, from the beginning of\nDecember to the beginning of May, on the 19th of April began to blow\nwith much greater violence, and more westerly than usual, continuing so\nfor twenty days together: during which time, we were driven a little to\nthe east of the Molucca Islands, and about three degrees northward of\nthe line, as our captain found by an observation he took the 2nd of\nMay, at which time the wind ceased, and it was a perfect calm, whereat\nI was not a little rejoiced. But he, being a man well experienced in\nthe navigation of those seas, bid us all prepare against a storm, which\naccordingly happened the day following: for the southern wind, called\nthe southern monsoon, began to set in.\n\nFinding it was likely to overblow, we took in our sprit-sail, and stood\nby to hand the fore-sail; but making foul weather, we looked the guns\nwere all fast, and handed the mizen. The ship lay very broad off, so we\nthought it better spooning before the sea, than trying or hulling. We\nreefed the fore-sail and set him, and hauled aft the fore-sheet; the\nhelm was hard a-weather. The ship wore bravely. We belayed the fore\ndown-haul; but the sail was split, and we hauled down the yard, and got\nthe sail into the ship, and unbound all the things clear of it. It was\na very fierce storm; the sea broke strange and dangerous. We hauled off\nupon the laniard of the whip-staff, and helped the man at the helm. We\nwould not get down our topmast, but let all stand, because she scudded\nbefore the sea very well, and we knew that the top-mast being aloft,\nthe ship was the wholesomer, and made better way through the sea,\nseeing we had sea-room. When the storm was over, we set fore-sail and\nmain-sail, and brought the ship to. Then we set the mizen,\nmain-top-sail, and the fore-top-sail. Our course was east-north-east,\nthe wind was at south-west. We got the starboard tacks aboard, we cast\noff our weather-braces and lifts; we set in the lee-braces, and hauled\nforward by the weather-bowlings, and hauled them tight, and belayed\nthem, and hauled over the mizen tack to windward, and kept her full and\nby as near as she would lie.\n\nDuring this storm, which was followed by a strong wind west-south-west,\nwe were carried, by my computation, about five hundred leagues to the\neast, so that the oldest sailor on board could not tell in what part of\nthe world we were. Our provisions held out well, our ship was staunch,\nand our crew all in good health; but we lay in the utmost distress for\nwater. We thought it best to hold on the same course, rather than turn\nmore northerly, which might have brought us to the north-west part of\nGreat Tartary, and into the Frozen Sea.\n\nOn the 16th day of June, 1703, a boy on the top-mast discovered land.\nOn the 17th, we came in full view of a great island, or continent (for\nwe knew not whether;) on the south side whereof was a small neck of\nland jutting out into the sea, and a creek too shallow to hold a ship\nof above one hundred tons. We cast anchor within a league of this\ncreek, and our captain sent a dozen of his men well armed in the\nlong-boat, with vessels for water, if any could be found. I desired his\nleave to go with them, that I might see the country, and make what\ndiscoveries I could. When we came to land we saw no river or spring,\nnor any sign of inhabitants. Our men therefore wandered on the shore to\nfind out some fresh water near the sea, and I walked alone about a mile\non the other side, where I observed the country all barren and rocky. I\nnow began to be weary, and seeing nothing to entertain my curiosity, I\nreturned gently down towards the creek; and the sea being full in my\nview, I saw our men already got into the boat, and rowing for life to\nthe ship. I was going to holla after them, although it had been to\nlittle purpose, when I observed a huge creature walking after them in\nthe sea, as fast as he could: he waded not much deeper than his knees,\nand took prodigious strides: but our men had the start of him half a\nleague, and, the sea thereabouts being full of sharp-pointed rocks, the\nmonster was not able to overtake the boat. This I was afterwards told,\nfor I durst not stay to see the issue of the adventure; but ran as fast\nas I could the way I first went, and then climbed up a steep hill,\nwhich gave me some prospect of the country. I found it fully\ncultivated; but that which first surprised me was the length of the\ngrass, which, in those grounds that seemed to be kept for hay, was\nabout twenty feet high.\n\nI fell into a high road, for so I took it to be, though it served to\nthe inhabitants only as a foot-path through a field of barley. Here I\nwalked on for some time, but could see little on either side, it being\nnow near harvest, and the corn rising at least forty feet. I was an\nhour walking to the end of this field, which was fenced in with a hedge\nof at least one hundred and twenty feet high, and the trees so lofty\nthat I could make no computation of their altitude. There was a stile\nto pass from this field into the next. It had four steps, and a stone\nto cross over when you came to the uppermost. It was impossible for me\nto climb this stile, because every step was six-feet high, and the\nupper stone about twenty. I was endeavouring to find some gap in the\nhedge, when I discovered one of the inhabitants in the next field,\nadvancing towards the stile, of the same size with him whom I saw in\nthe sea pursuing our boat. He appeared as tall as an ordinary spire\nsteeple, and took about ten yards at every stride, as near as I could\nguess. I was struck with the utmost fear and astonishment, and ran to\nhide myself in the corn, whence I saw him at the top of the stile\nlooking back into the next field on the right hand, and heard him call\nin a voice many degrees louder than a speaking-trumpet: but the noise\nwas so high in the air, that at first I certainly thought it was\nthunder. Whereupon seven monsters, like himself, came towards him with\nreaping-hooks in their hands, each hook about the largeness of six\nscythes. These people were not so well clad as the first, whose\nservants or labourers they seemed to be; for, upon some words he spoke,\nthey went to reap the corn in the field where I lay. I kept from them\nat as great a distance as I could, but was forced to move with extreme\ndifficulty, for the stalks of the corn were sometimes not above a foot\ndistant, so that I could hardly squeeze my body betwixt them. However,\nI made a shift to go forward, till I came to a part of the field where\nthe corn had been laid by the rain and wind. Here it was impossible for\nme to advance a step; for the stalks were so interwoven, that I could\nnot creep through, and the beards of the fallen ears so strong and\npointed, that they pierced through my clothes into my flesh. At the\nsame time I heard the reapers not a hundred yards behind me. Being\nquite dispirited with toil, and wholly overcome by grief and dispair, I\nlay down between two ridges, and heartily wished I might there end my\ndays. I bemoaned my desolate widow and fatherless children. I lamented\nmy own folly and wilfulness, in attempting a second voyage, against the\nadvice of all my friends and relations. In this terrible agitation of\nmind, I could not forbear thinking of Lilliput, whose inhabitants\nlooked upon me as the greatest prodigy that ever appeared in the world;\nwhere I was able to draw an imperial fleet in my hand, and perform\nthose other actions, which will be recorded for ever in the chronicles\nof that empire, while posterity shall hardly believe them, although\nattested by millions. I reflected what a mortification it must prove to\nme, to appear as inconsiderable in this nation, as one single\nLilliputian would be among us. But this I conceived was to be the least\nof my misfortunes; for, as human creatures are observed to be more\nsavage and cruel in proportion to their bulk, what could I expect but\nto be a morsel in the mouth of the first among these enormous\nbarbarians that should happen to seize me? Undoubtedly philosophers are\nin the right, when they tell us that nothing is great or little\notherwise than by comparison. It might have pleased fortune, to have\nlet the Lilliputians find some nation, where the people were as\ndiminutive with respect to them, as they were to me. And who knows but\nthat even this prodigious race of mortals might be equally overmatched\nin some distant part of the world, whereof we have yet no discovery.\n\nScared and confounded as I was, I could not forbear going on with these\nreflections, when one of the reapers, approaching within ten yards of\nthe ridge where I lay, made me apprehend that with the next step I\nshould be squashed to death under his foot, or cut in two with his\nreaping-hook. And therefore, when he was again about to move, I\nscreamed as loud as fear could make me: whereupon the huge creature\ntrod short, and, looking round about under him for some time, at last\nespied me as I lay on the ground. He considered awhile, with the\ncaution of one who endeavours to lay hold on a small dangerous animal\nin such a manner that it shall not be able either to scratch or bite\nhim, as I myself have sometimes done with a weasel in England. At\nlength he ventured to take me behind, by the middle, between his\nfore-finger and thumb, and brought me within three yards of his eyes,\nthat he might behold my shape more perfectly. I guessed his meaning,\nand my good fortune gave me so much presence of mind, that I resolved\nnot to struggle in the least as he held me in the air above sixty feet\nfrom the ground, although he grievously pinched my sides, for fear I\nshould slip through his fingers. All I ventured was to raise my eyes\ntowards the sun, and place my hands together in a supplicating posture,\nand to speak some words in a humble melancholy tone, suitable to the\ncondition I then was in: for I apprehended every moment that he would\ndash me against the ground, as we usually do any little hateful animal,\nwhich we have a mind to destroy. But my good star would have it, that\nhe appeared pleased with my voice and gestures, and began to look upon\nme as a curiosity, much wondering to hear me pronounce articulate\nwords, although he could not understand them. In the mean time I was\nnot able to forbear groaning and shedding tears, and turning my head\ntowards my sides; letting him know, as well as I could, how cruelly I\nwas hurt by the pressure of his thumb and finger. He seemed to\napprehend my meaning; for, lifting up the lappet of his coat, he put me\ngently into it, and immediately ran along with me to his master, who\nwas a substantial farmer, and the same person I had first seen in the\nfield.\n\nThe farmer having (as I suppose by their talk) received such an account\nof me as his servant could give him, took a piece of a small straw,\nabout the size of a walking-staff, and therewith lifted up the lappets\nof my coat; which it seems he thought to be some kind of covering that\nnature had given me. He blew my hairs aside to take a better view of my\nface. He called his hinds about him, and asked them, as I afterwards\nlearned, whether they had ever seen in the fields any little creature\nthat resembled me. He then placed me softly on the ground upon all\nfours, but I got immediately up, and walked slowly backward and\nforward, to let those people see I had no intent to run away. They all\nsat down in a circle about me, the better to observe my motions. I\npulled off my hat, and made a low bow towards the farmer. I fell on my\nknees, and lifted up my hands and eyes, and spoke several words as loud\nas I could: I took a purse of gold out of my pocket, and humbly\npresented it to him. He received it on the palm of his hand, then\napplied it close to his eye to see what it was, and afterwards turned\nit several times with the point of a pin (which he took out of his\nsleeve,) but could make nothing of it. Whereupon I made a sign that he\nshould place his hand on the ground. I then took the purse, and,\nopening it, poured all the gold into his palm. There were six Spanish\npieces of four pistoles each, beside twenty or thirty smaller coins. I\nsaw him wet the tip of his little finger upon his tongue, and take up\none of my largest pieces, and then another; but he seemed to be wholly\nignorant what they were. He made me a sign to put them again into my\npurse, and the purse again into my pocket, which, after offering it to\nhim several times, I thought it best to do.\n\nThe farmer, by this time, was convinced I must be a rational creature.\nHe spoke often to me; but the sound of his voice pierced my ears like\nthat of a water-mill, yet his words were articulate enough. I answered\nas loud as I could in several languages, and he often laid his ear\nwithin two yards of me: but all in vain, for we were wholly\nunintelligible to each other. He then sent his servants to their work,\nand taking his handkerchief out of his pocket, he doubled and spread it\non his left hand, which he placed flat on the ground with the palm\nupward, making me a sign to step into it, as I could easily do, for it\nwas not above a foot in thickness. I thought it my part to obey, and,\nfor fear of falling, laid myself at full length upon the handkerchief,\nwith the remainder of which he lapped me up to the head for further\nsecurity, and in this manner carried me home to his house. There he\ncalled his wife, and showed me to her; but she screamed and ran back,\nas women in England do at the sight of a toad or a spider. However,\nwhen she had a while seen my behaviour, and how well I observed the\nsigns her husband made, she was soon reconciled, and by degrees grew\nextremely tender of me.\n\nIt was about twelve at noon, and a servant brought in dinner. It was\nonly one substantial dish of meat (fit for the plain condition of a\nhusbandman,) in a dish of about four-and-twenty feet diameter. The\ncompany were, the farmer and his wife, three children, and an old\ngrandmother. When they were sat down, the farmer placed me at some\ndistance from him on the table, which was thirty feet high from the\nfloor. I was in a terrible fright, and kept as far as I could from the\nedge, for fear of falling. The wife minced a bit of meat, then crumbled\nsome bread on a trencher, and placed it before me. I made her a low\nbow, took out my knife and fork, and fell to eat, which gave them\nexceeding delight. The mistress sent her maid for a small dram cup,\nwhich held about two gallons, and filled it with drink; I took up the\nvessel with much difficulty in both hands, and in a most respectful\nmanner drank to her ladyship’s health, expressing the words as loud as\nI could in English, which made the company laugh so heartily, that I\nwas almost deafened with the noise. This liquor tasted like a small\ncider, and was not unpleasant. Then the master made me a sign to come\nto his trencher side; but as I walked on the table, being in great\nsurprise all the time, as the indulgent reader will easily conceive and\nexcuse, I happened to stumble against a crust, and fell flat on my\nface, but received no hurt. I got up immediately, and observing the\ngood people to be in much concern, I took my hat (which I held under my\narm out of good manners,) and waving it over my head, made three\nhuzzas, to show I had got no mischief by my fall. But advancing forward\ntowards my master (as I shall henceforth call him,) his youngest son,\nwho sat next to him, an arch boy of about ten years old, took me up by\nthe legs, and held me so high in the air, that I trembled every limb:\nbut his father snatched me from him, and at the same time gave him such\na box on the left ear, as would have felled an European troop of horse\nto the earth, ordering him to be taken from the table. But being afraid\nthe boy might owe me a spite, and well remembering how mischievous all\nchildren among us naturally are to sparrows, rabbits, young kittens,\nand puppy dogs, I fell on my knees, and pointing to the boy, made my\nmaster to understand, as well as I could, that I desired his son might\nbe pardoned. The father complied, and the lad took his seat again,\nwhereupon I went to him, and kissed his hand, which my master took, and\nmade him stroke me gently with it.\n\nIn the midst of dinner, my mistress’s favourite cat leaped into her\nlap. I heard a noise behind me like that of a dozen stocking-weavers at\nwork; and turning my head, I found it proceeded from the purring of\nthat animal, who seemed to be three times larger than an ox, as I\ncomputed by the view of her head, and one of her paws, while her\nmistress was feeding and stroking her. The fierceness of this\ncreature’s countenance altogether discomposed me; though I stood at the\nfarther end of the table, above fifty feet off; and although my\nmistress held her fast, for fear she might give a spring, and seize me\nin her talons. But it happened there was no danger, for the cat took\nnot the least notice of me when my master placed me within three yards\nof her. And as I have been always told, and found true by experience in\nmy travels, that flying or discovering fear before a fierce animal, is\na certain way to make it pursue or attack you, so I resolved, in this\ndangerous juncture, to show no manner of concern. I walked with\nintrepidity five or six times before the very head of the cat, and came\nwithin half a yard of her; whereupon she drew herself back, as if she\nwere more afraid of me: I had less apprehension concerning the dogs,\nwhereof three or four came into the room, as it is usual in farmers’\nhouses; one of which was a mastiff, equal in bulk to four elephants,\nand another a greyhound, somewhat taller than the mastiff, but not so\nlarge.\n\nWhen dinner was almost done, the nurse came in with a child of a year\nold in her arms, who immediately spied me, and began a squall that you\nmight have heard from London Bridge to Chelsea, after the usual oratory\nof infants, to get me for a plaything. The mother, out of pure\nindulgence, took me up, and put me towards the child, who presently\nseized me by the middle, and got my head into his mouth, where I roared\nso loud that the urchin was frighted, and let me drop, and I should\ninfallibly have broke my neck, if the mother had not held her apron\nunder me. The nurse, to quiet her babe, made use of a rattle which was\na kind of hollow vessel filled with great stones, and fastened by a\ncable to the child’s waist: but all in vain; so that she was forced to\napply the last remedy by giving it suck. I must confess no object ever\ndisgusted me so much as the sight of her monstrous breast, which I\ncannot tell what to compare with, so as to give the curious reader an\nidea of its bulk, shape, and colour. It stood prominent six feet, and\ncould not be less than sixteen in circumference. The nipple was about\nhalf the bigness of my head, and the hue both of that and the dug, so\nvaried with spots, pimples, and freckles, that nothing could appear\nmore nauseous: for I had a near sight of her, she sitting down, the\nmore conveniently to give suck, and I standing on the table. This made\nme reflect upon the fair skins of our English ladies, who appear so\nbeautiful to us, only because they are of our own size, and their\ndefects not to be seen but through a magnifying glass; where we find by\nexperiment that the smoothest and whitest skins look rough, and coarse,\nand ill-coloured.\n\nI remember when I was at Lilliput, the complexion of those diminutive\npeople appeared to me the fairest in the world; and talking upon this\nsubject with a person of learning there, who was an intimate friend of\nmine, he said that my face appeared much fairer and smoother when he\nlooked on me from the ground, than it did upon a nearer view, when I\ntook him up in my hand, and brought him close, which he confessed was\nat first a very shocking sight. He said, “he could discover great holes\nin my skin; that the stumps of my beard were ten times stronger than\nthe bristles of a boar, and my complexion made up of several colours\naltogether disagreeable:” although I must beg leave to say for myself,\nthat I am as fair as most of my sex and country, and very little\nsunburnt by all my travels. On the other side, discoursing of the\nladies in that emperor’s court, he used to tell me, “one had freckles;\nanother too wide a mouth; a third too large a nose;” nothing of which I\nwas able to distinguish. I confess this reflection was obvious enough;\nwhich, however, I could not forbear, lest the reader might think those\nvast creatures were actually deformed: for I must do them the justice\nto say, they are a comely race of people, and particularly the features\nof my master’s countenance, although he was but a farmer, when I beheld\nhim from the height of sixty feet, appeared very well proportioned.\n\nWhen dinner was done, my master went out to his labourers, and, as I\ncould discover by his voice and gesture, gave his wife strict charge to\ntake care of me. I was very much tired, and disposed to sleep, which my\nmistress perceiving, she put me on her own bed, and covered me with a\nclean white handkerchief, but larger and coarser than the mainsail of a\nman of war.\n\nI slept about two hours, and dreamt I was at home with my wife and\nchildren, which aggravated my sorrows when I awaked, and found myself\nalone in a vast room, between two and three hundred feet wide, and\nabove two hundred high, lying in a bed twenty yards wide. My mistress\nwas gone about her household affairs, and had locked me in. The bed was\neight yards from the floor. Some natural necessities required me to get\ndown; I durst not presume to call; and if I had, it would have been in\nvain, with such a voice as mine, at so great a distance from the room\nwhere I lay to the kitchen where the family kept. While I was under\nthese circumstances, two rats crept up the curtains, and ran smelling\nbackwards and forwards on the bed. One of them came up almost to my\nface, whereupon I rose in a fright, and drew out my hanger to defend\nmyself. These horrible animals had the boldness to attack me on both\nsides, and one of them held his forefeet at my collar; but I had the\ngood fortune to rip up his belly before he could do me any mischief. He\nfell down at my feet; and the other, seeing the fate of his comrade,\nmade his escape, but not without one good wound on the back, which I\ngave him as he fled, and made the blood run trickling from him. After\nthis exploit, I walked gently to and fro on the bed, to recover my\nbreath and loss of spirits. These creatures were of the size of a large\nmastiff, but infinitely more nimble and fierce; so that if I had taken\noff my belt before I went to sleep, I must have infallibly been torn to\npieces and devoured. I measured the tail of the dead rat, and found it\nto be two yards long, wanting an inch; but it went against my stomach\nto drag the carcass off the bed, where it lay still bleeding; I\nobserved it had yet some life, but with a strong slash across the neck,\nI thoroughly despatched it.\n\nSoon after my mistress came into the room, who seeing me all bloody,\nran and took me up in her hand. I pointed to the dead rat, smiling, and\nmaking other signs to show I was not hurt; whereat she was extremely\nrejoiced, calling the maid to take up the dead rat with a pair of\ntongs, and throw it out of the window. Then she set me on a table,\nwhere I showed her my hanger all bloody, and wiping it on the lappet of\nmy coat, returned it to the scabbard. I was pressed to do more than one\nthing which another could not do for me, and therefore endeavoured to\nmake my mistress understand, that I desired to be set down on the\nfloor; which after she had done, my bashfulness would not suffer me to\nexpress myself farther, than by pointing to the door, and bowing\nseveral times. The good woman, with much difficulty, at last perceived\nwhat I would be at, and taking me up again in her hand, walked into the\ngarden, where she set me down. I went on one side about two hundred\nyards, and beckoning to her not to look or to follow me, I hid myself\nbetween two leaves of sorrel, and there discharged the necessities of\nnature.\n\nI hope the gentle reader will excuse me for dwelling on these and the\nlike particulars, which, however insignificant they may appear to\ngroveling vulgar minds, yet will certainly help a philosopher to\nenlarge his thoughts and imagination, and apply them to the benefit of\npublic as well as private life, which was my sole design in presenting\nthis and other accounts of my travels to the world; wherein I have been\nchiefly studious of truth, without affecting any ornaments of learning\nor of style. But the whole scene of this voyage made so strong an\nimpression on my mind, and is so deeply fixed in my memory, that, in\ncommitting it to paper I did not omit one material circumstance:\nhowever, upon a strict review, I blotted out several passages of less\nmoment which were in my first copy, for fear of being censured as\ntedious and trifling, whereof travellers are often, perhaps not without\njustice, accused.\n\n\nCHAPTER II.\n\nA description of the farmer’s daughter. The author carried to a\nmarket-town, and then to the metropolis. The particulars of his\njourney.\n\n\nMy mistress had a daughter of nine years old, a child of towardly parts\nfor her age, very dexterous at her needle, and skilful in dressing her\nbaby. Her mother and she contrived to fit up the baby’s cradle for me\nagainst night: the cradle was put into a small drawer of a cabinet, and\nthe drawer placed upon a hanging shelf for fear of the rats. This was\nmy bed all the time I staid with those people, though made more\nconvenient by degrees, as I began to learn their language and make my\nwants known. This young girl was so handy, that after I had once or\ntwice pulled off my clothes before her, she was able to dress and\nundress me, though I never gave her that trouble when she would let me\ndo either myself. She made me seven shirts, and some other linen, of as\nfine cloth as could be got, which indeed was coarser than sackcloth;\nand these she constantly washed for me with her own hands. She was\nlikewise my school-mistress, to teach me the language: when I pointed\nto any thing, she told me the name of it in her own tongue, so that in\na few days I was able to call for whatever I had a mind to. She was\nvery good-natured, and not above forty feet high, being little for her\nage. She gave me the name of _Grildrig_, which the family took up, and\nafterwards the whole kingdom. The word imports what the Latins call\n_nanunculus_, the Italians _homunceletino_, and the English _mannikin_.\nTo her I chiefly owe my preservation in that country: we never parted\nwhile I was there; I called her my _Glumdalclitch_, or little nurse;\nand should be guilty of great ingratitude, if I omitted this honourable\nmention of her care and affection towards me, which I heartily wish it\nlay in my power to requite as she deserves, instead of being the\ninnocent, but unhappy instrument of her disgrace, as I have too much\nreason to fear.\n\nIt now began to be known and talked of in the neighbourhood, that my\nmaster had found a strange animal in the field, about the bigness of a\n_splacnuck_, but exactly shaped in every part like a human creature;\nwhich it likewise imitated in all its actions; seemed to speak in a\nlittle language of its own, had already learned several words of\ntheirs, went erect upon two legs, was tame and gentle, would come when\nit was called, do whatever it was bid, had the finest limbs in the\nworld, and a complexion fairer than a nobleman’s daughter of three\nyears old. Another farmer, who lived hard by, and was a particular\nfriend of my master, came on a visit on purpose to inquire into the\ntruth of this story. I was immediately produced, and placed upon a\ntable, where I walked as I was commanded, drew my hanger, put it up\nagain, made my reverence to my master’s guest, asked him in his own\nlanguage how he did, and told him _he was welcome_, just as my little\nnurse had instructed me. This man, who was old and dim-sighted, put on\nhis spectacles to behold me better; at which I could not forbear\nlaughing very heartily, for his eyes appeared like the full moon\nshining into a chamber at two windows. Our people, who discovered the\ncause of my mirth, bore me company in laughing, at which the old fellow\nwas fool enough to be angry and out of countenance. He had the\ncharacter of a great miser; and, to my misfortune, he well deserved it,\nby the cursed advice he gave my master, to show me as a sight upon a\nmarket-day in the next town, which was half an hour’s riding, about\ntwo-and-twenty miles from our house. I guessed there was some mischief\nwhen I observed my master and his friend whispering together, sometimes\npointing at me; and my fears made me fancy that I overheard and\nunderstood some of their words. But the next morning Glumdalclitch, my\nlittle nurse, told me the whole matter, which she had cunningly picked\nout from her mother. The poor girl laid me on her bosom, and fell a\nweeping with shame and grief. She apprehended some mischief would\nhappen to me from rude vulgar folks, who might squeeze me to death, or\nbreak one of my limbs by taking me in their hands. She had also\nobserved how modest I was in my nature, how nicely I regarded my\nhonour, and what an indignity I should conceive it, to be exposed for\nmoney as a public spectacle, to the meanest of the people. She said,\nher papa and mamma had promised that Grildrig should be hers; but now\nshe found they meant to serve her as they did last year, when they\npretended to give her a lamb, and yet, as soon as it was fat, sold it\nto a butcher. For my own part, I may truly affirm, that I was less\nconcerned than my nurse. I had a strong hope, which never left me, that\nI should one day recover my liberty: and as to the ignominy of being\ncarried about for a monster, I considered myself to be a perfect\nstranger in the country, and that such a misfortune could never be\ncharged upon me as a reproach, if ever I should return to England,\nsince the king of Great Britain himself, in my condition, must have\nundergone the same distress.\n\nMy master, pursuant to the advice of his friend, carried me in a box\nthe next market-day to the neighbouring town, and took along with him\nhis little daughter, my nurse, upon a pillion behind him. The box was\nclose on every side, with a little door for me to go in and out, and a\nfew gimlet holes to let in air. The girl had been so careful as to put\nthe quilt of her baby’s bed into it, for me to lie down on. However, I\nwas terribly shaken and discomposed in this journey, though it was but\nof half an hour: for the horse went about forty feet at every step and\ntrotted so high, that the agitation was equal to the rising and falling\nof a ship in a great storm, but much more frequent. Our journey was\nsomewhat farther than from London to St. Alban’s. My master alighted at\nan inn which he used to frequent; and after consulting a while with the\ninn-keeper, and making some necessary preparations, he hired the\n_grultrud_, or crier, to give notice through the town of a strange\ncreature to be seen at the sign of the Green Eagle, not so big as a\n_splacnuck_ (an animal in that country very finely shaped, about six\nfeet long,) and in every part of the body resembling a human creature,\ncould speak several words, and perform a hundred diverting tricks.\n\nI was placed upon a table in the largest room of the inn, which might\nbe near three hundred feet square. My little nurse stood on a low stool\nclose to the table, to take care of me, and direct what I should do. My\nmaster, to avoid a crowd, would suffer only thirty people at a time to\nsee me. I walked about on the table as the girl commanded; she asked me\nquestions, as far as she knew my understanding of the language reached,\nand I answered them as loud as I could. I turned about several times to\nthe company, paid my humble respects, said _they were welcome_, and\nused some other speeches I had been taught. I took up a thimble filled\nwith liquor, which Glumdalclitch had given me for a cup, and drank\ntheir health, I drew out my hanger, and flourished with it after the\nmanner of fencers in England. My nurse gave me a part of a straw, which\nI exercised as a pike, having learnt the art in my youth. I was that\nday shown to twelve sets of company, and as often forced to act over\nagain the same fopperies, till I was half dead with weariness and\nvexation; for those who had seen me made such wonderful reports, that\nthe people were ready to break down the doors to come in. My master,\nfor his own interest, would not suffer any one to touch me except my\nnurse; and to prevent danger, benches were set round the table at such\na distance as to put me out of every body’s reach. However, an unlucky\nschool-boy aimed a hazel nut directly at my head, which very narrowly\nmissed me; otherwise it came with so much violence, that it would have\ninfallibly knocked out my brains, for it was almost as large as a small\npumpkin, but I had the satisfaction to see the young rogue well beaten,\nand turned out of the room.\n\nMy master gave public notice that he would show me again the next\nmarket-day; and in the meantime he prepared a convenient vehicle for\nme, which he had reason enough to do; for I was so tired with my first\njourney, and with entertaining company for eight hours together, that I\ncould hardly stand upon my legs, or speak a word. It was at least three\ndays before I recovered my strength; and that I might have no rest at\nhome, all the neighbouring gentlemen from a hundred miles round,\nhearing of my fame, came to see me at my master’s own house. There\ncould not be fewer than thirty persons with their wives and children\n(for the country is very populous;) and my master demanded the rate of\na full room whenever he showed me at home, although it were only to a\nsingle family; so that for some time I had but little ease every day of\nthe week (except Wednesday, which is their Sabbath,) although I were\nnot carried to the town.\n\nMy master, finding how profitable I was likely to be, resolved to carry\nme to the most considerable cities of the kingdom. Having therefore\nprovided himself with all things necessary for a long journey, and\nsettled his affairs at home, he took leave of his wife, and upon the\n17th of August, 1703, about two months after my arrival, we set out for\nthe metropolis, situated near the middle of that empire, and about\nthree thousand miles distance from our house. My master made his\ndaughter Glumdalclitch ride behind him. She carried me on her lap, in a\nbox tied about her waist. The girl had lined it on all sides with the\nsoftest cloth she could get, well quilted underneath, furnished it with\nher baby’s bed, provided me with linen and other necessaries, and made\neverything as convenient as she could. We had no other company but a\nboy of the house, who rode after us with the luggage.\n\nMy master’s design was to show me in all the towns by the way, and to\nstep out of the road for fifty or a hundred miles, to any village, or\nperson of quality’s house, where he might expect custom. We made easy\njourneys, of not above seven or eight score miles a day; for\nGlumdalclitch, on purpose to spare me, complained she was tired with\nthe trotting of the horse. She often took me out of my box, at my own\ndesire, to give me air, and show me the country, but always held me\nfast by a leading-string. We passed over five or six rivers, many\ndegrees broader and deeper than the Nile or the Ganges: and there was\nhardly a rivulet so small as the Thames at London Bridge. We were ten\nweeks in our journey, and I was shown in eighteen large towns, besides\nmany villages, and private families.\n\nOn the 26th day of October we arrived at the metropolis, called in\ntheir language _Lorbrulgrud_, or Pride of the Universe. My master took\na lodging in the principal street of the city, not far from the royal\npalace, and put out bills in the usual form, containing an exact\ndescription of my person and parts. He hired a large room between three\nand four hundred feet wide. He provided a table sixty feet in diameter,\nupon which I was to act my part, and pallisadoed it round three feet\nfrom the edge, and as many high, to prevent my falling over. I was\nshown ten times a day, to the wonder and satisfaction of all people. I\ncould now speak the language tolerably well, and perfectly understood\nevery word, that was spoken to me. Besides, I had learnt their\nalphabet, and could make a shift to explain a sentence here and there;\nfor Glumdalclitch had been my instructor while we were at home, and at\nleisure hours during our journey. She carried a little book in her\npocket, not much larger than a Sanson’s Atlas; it was a common treatise\nfor the use of young girls, giving a short account of their religion:\nout of this she taught me my letters, and interpreted the words.\n\n\nCHAPTER III.\n\nThe author sent for to court. The queen buys him of his master the\nfarmer, and presents him to the king. He disputes with his majesty’s\ngreat scholars. An apartment at court provided for the author. He is in\nhigh favour with the queen. He stands up for the honour of his own\ncountry. His quarrels with the queen’s dwarf.\n\n\nThe frequent labours I underwent every day, made, in a few weeks, a\nvery considerable change in my health: the more my master got by me,\nthe more insatiable he grew. I had quite lost my stomach, and was\nalmost reduced to a skeleton. The farmer observed it, and concluding I\nmust soon die, resolved to make as good a hand of me as he could. While\nhe was thus reasoning and resolving with himself, a _sardral_, or\ngentleman-usher, came from court, commanding my master to carry me\nimmediately thither for the diversion of the queen and her ladies. Some\nof the latter had already been to see me, and reported strange things\nof my beauty, behaviour, and good sense. Her majesty, and those who\nattended her, were beyond measure delighted with my demeanour. I fell\non my knees, and begged the honour of kissing her imperial foot; but\nthis gracious princess held out her little finger towards me, after I\nwas set on the table, which I embraced in both my arms, and put the tip\nof it with the utmost respect to my lip. She made me some general\nquestions about my country and my travels, which I answered as\ndistinctly, and in as few words as I could. She asked, “whether I could\nbe content to live at court?” I bowed down to the board of the table,\nand humbly answered “that I was my master’s slave: but, if I were at my\nown disposal, I should be proud to devote my life to her majesty’s\nservice.” She then asked my master, “whether he was willing to sell me\nat a good price?” He, who apprehended I could not live a month, was\nready enough to part with me, and demanded a thousand pieces of gold,\nwhich were ordered him on the spot, each piece being about the bigness\nof eight hundred moidores; but allowing for the proportion of all\nthings between that country and Europe, and the high price of gold\namong them, was hardly so great a sum as a thousand guineas would be in\nEngland. I then said to the queen, “since I was now her majesty’s most\nhumble creature and vassal, I must beg the favour, that Glumdalclitch,\nwho had always tended me with so much care and kindness, and understood\nto do it so well, might be admitted into her service, and continue to\nbe my nurse and instructor.”\n\nHer majesty agreed to my petition, and easily got the farmer’s consent,\nwho was glad enough to have his daughter preferred at court, and the\npoor girl herself was not able to hide her joy. My late master\nwithdrew, bidding me farewell, and saying he had left me in a good\nservice; to which I replied not a word, only making him a slight bow.\n\nThe queen observed my coldness; and, when the farmer was gone out of\nthe apartment, asked me the reason. I made bold to tell her majesty,\n“that I owed no other obligation to my late master, than his not\ndashing out the brains of a poor harmless creature, found by chance in\nhis fields: which obligation was amply recompensed, by the gain he had\nmade in showing me through half the kingdom, and the price he had now\nsold me for. That the life I had since led was laborious enough to kill\nan animal of ten times my strength. That my health was much impaired,\nby the continual drudgery of entertaining the rabble every hour of the\nday; and that, if my master had not thought my life in danger, her\nmajesty would not have got so cheap a bargain. But as I was out of all\nfear of being ill-treated under the protection of so great and good an\nempress, the ornament of nature, the darling of the world, the delight\nof her subjects, the phœnix of the creation, so I hoped my late\nmaster’s apprehensions would appear to be groundless; for I already\nfound my spirits revive, by the influence of her most august presence.”\n\nThis was the sum of my speech, delivered with great improprieties and\nhesitation. The latter part was altogether framed in the style peculiar\nto that people, whereof I learned some phrases from Glumdalclitch,\nwhile she was carrying me to court.\n\nThe queen, giving great allowance for my defectiveness in speaking,\nwas, however, surprised at so much wit and good sense in so diminutive\nan animal. She took me in her own hand, and carried me to the king, who\nwas then retired to his cabinet. His majesty, a prince of much gravity\nand austere countenance, not well observing my shape at first view,\nasked the queen after a cold manner “how long it was since she grew\nfond of a _splacnuck_?” for such it seems he took me to be, as I lay\nupon my breast in her majesty’s right hand. But this princess, who has\nan infinite deal of wit and humour, set me gently on my feet upon the\nscrutoire, and commanded me to give his majesty an account of myself,\nwhich I did in a very few words: and Glumdalclitch who attended at the\ncabinet door, and could not endure I should be out of her sight, being\nadmitted, confirmed all that had passed from my arrival at her father’s\nhouse.\n\nThe king, although he be as learned a person as any in his dominions,\nhad been educated in the study of philosophy, and particularly\nmathematics; yet when he observed my shape exactly, and saw me walk\nerect, before I began to speak, conceived I might be a piece of\nclock-work (which is in that country arrived to a very great\nperfection) contrived by some ingenious artist. But when he heard my\nvoice, and found what I delivered to be regular and rational, he could\nnot conceal his astonishment. He was by no means satisfied with the\nrelation I gave him of the manner I came into his kingdom, but thought\nit a story concerted between Glumdalclitch and her father, who had\ntaught me a set of words to make me sell at a better price. Upon this\nimagination, he put several other questions to me, and still received\nrational answers: no otherwise defective than by a foreign accent, and\nan imperfect knowledge in the language, with some rustic phrases which\nI had learned at the farmer’s house, and did not suit the polite style\nof a court.\n\nHis majesty sent for three great scholars, who were then in their\nweekly waiting, according to the custom in that country. These\ngentlemen, after they had a while examined my shape with much nicety,\nwere of different opinions concerning me. They all agreed that I could\nnot be produced according to the regular laws of nature, because I was\nnot framed with a capacity of preserving my life, either by swiftness,\nor climbing of trees, or digging holes in the earth. They observed by\nmy teeth, which they viewed with great exactness, that I was a\ncarnivorous animal; yet most quadrupeds being an overmatch for me, and\nfield mice, with some others, too nimble, they could not imagine how I\nshould be able to support myself, unless I fed upon snails and other\ninsects, which they offered, by many learned arguments, to evince that\nI could not possibly do. One of these virtuosi seemed to think that I\nmight be an embryo, or abortive birth. But this opinion was rejected by\nthe other two, who observed my limbs to be perfect and finished; and\nthat I had lived several years, as it was manifest from my beard, the\nstumps whereof they plainly discovered through a magnifying glass. They\nwould not allow me to be a dwarf, because my littleness was beyond all\ndegrees of comparison; for the queen’s favourite dwarf, the smallest\never known in that kingdom, was near thirty feet high. After much\ndebate, they concluded unanimously, that I was only _relplum scalcath_,\nwhich is interpreted literally _lusus naturæ_; a determination exactly\nagreeable to the modern philosophy of Europe, whose professors,\ndisdaining the old evasion of occult causes, whereby the followers of\nAristotle endeavoured in vain to disguise their ignorance, have\ninvented this wonderful solution of all difficulties, to the\nunspeakable advancement of human knowledge.\n\nAfter this decisive conclusion, I entreated to be heard a word or two.\nI applied myself to the king, and assured his majesty, “that I came\nfrom a country which abounded with several millions of both sexes, and\nof my own stature; where the animals, trees, and houses, were all in\nproportion, and where, by consequence, I might be as able to defend\nmyself, and to find sustenance, as any of his majesty’s subjects could\ndo here; which I took for a full answer to those gentlemen’s\narguments.” To this they only replied with a smile of contempt, saying,\n“that the farmer had instructed me very well in my lesson.” The king,\nwho had a much better understanding, dismissing his learned men, sent\nfor the farmer, who by good fortune was not yet gone out of town.\nHaving therefore first examined him privately, and then confronted him\nwith me and the young girl, his majesty began to think that what we\ntold him might possibly be true. He desired the queen to order that a\nparticular care should be taken of me; and was of opinion that\nGlumdalclitch should still continue in her office of tending me,\nbecause he observed we had a great affection for each other. A\nconvenient apartment was provided for her at court: she had a sort of\ngoverness appointed to take care of her education, a maid to dress her,\nand two other servants for menial offices; but the care of me was\nwholly appropriated to herself. The queen commanded her own\ncabinet-maker to contrive a box, that might serve me for a bedchamber,\nafter the model that Glumdalclitch and I should agree upon. This man\nwas a most ingenious artist, and according to my direction, in three\nweeks finished for me a wooden chamber of sixteen feet square, and\ntwelve high, with sash-windows, a door, and two closets, like a London\nbed-chamber. The board, that made the ceiling, was to be lifted up and\ndown by two hinges, to put in a bed ready furnished by her majesty’s\nupholsterer, which Glumdalclitch took out every day to air, made it\nwith her own hands, and letting it down at night, locked up the roof\nover me. A nice workman, who was famous for little curiosities,\nundertook to make me two chairs, with backs and frames, of a substance\nnot unlike ivory, and two tables, with a cabinet to put my things in.\nThe room was quilted on all sides, as well as the floor and the\nceiling, to prevent any accident from the carelessness of those who\ncarried me, and to break the force of a jolt, when I went in a coach. I\ndesired a lock for my door, to prevent rats and mice from coming in.\nThe smith, after several attempts, made the smallest that ever was seen\namong them, for I have known a larger at the gate of a gentleman’s\nhouse in England. I made a shift to keep the key in a pocket of my own,\nfearing Glumdalclitch might lose it. The queen likewise ordered the\nthinnest silks that could be gotten, to make me clothes, not much\nthicker than an English blanket, very cumbersome till I was accustomed\nto them. They were after the fashion of the kingdom, partly resembling\nthe Persian, and partly the Chinese, and are a very grave and decent\nhabit.\n\nThe queen became so fond of my company, that she could not dine without\nme. I had a table placed upon the same at which her majesty ate, just\nat her left elbow, and a chair to sit on. Glumdalclitch stood on a\nstool on the floor near my table, to assist and take care of me. I had\nan entire set of silver dishes and plates, and other necessaries,\nwhich, in proportion to those of the queen, were not much bigger than\nwhat I have seen in a London toy-shop for the furniture of a\nbaby-house: these my little nurse kept in her pocket in a silver box,\nand gave me at meals as I wanted them, always cleaning them herself. No\nperson dined with the queen but the two princesses royal, the eldest\nsixteen years old, and the younger at that time thirteen and a month.\nHer majesty used to put a bit of meat upon one of my dishes, out of\nwhich I carved for myself, and her diversion was to see me eat in\nminiature: for the queen (who had indeed but a weak stomach) took up,\nat one mouthful, as much as a dozen English farmers could eat at a\nmeal, which to me was for some time a very nauseous sight. She would\ncraunch the wing of a lark, bones and all, between her teeth, although\nit were nine times as large as that of a full-grown turkey; and put a\nbit of bread into her mouth as big as two twelve-penny loaves. She\ndrank out of a golden cup, above a hogshead at a draught. Her knives\nwere twice as long as a scythe, set straight upon the handle. The\nspoons, forks, and other instruments, were all in the same proportion.\nI remember when Glumdalclitch carried me, out of curiosity, to see some\nof the tables at court, where ten or a dozen of those enormous knives\nand forks were lifted up together, I thought I had never till then\nbeheld so terrible a sight.\n\nIt is the custom, that every Wednesday (which, as I have observed, is\ntheir Sabbath) the king and queen, with the royal issue of both sexes,\ndine together in the apartment of his majesty, to whom I was now become\na great favourite; and at these times, my little chair and table were\nplaced at his left hand, before one of the salt-cellars. This prince\ntook a pleasure in conversing with me, inquiring into the manners,\nreligion, laws, government, and learning of Europe; wherein I gave him\nthe best account I was able. His apprehension was so clear, and his\njudgment so exact, that he made very wise reflections and observations\nupon all I said. But I confess, that, after I had been a little too\ncopious in talking of my own beloved country, of our trade and wars by\nsea and land, of our schisms in religion, and parties in the state; the\nprejudices of his education prevailed so far, that he could not forbear\ntaking me up in his right hand, and stroking me gently with the other,\nafter a hearty fit of laughing, asked me, “whether I was a whig or\ntory?” Then turning to his first minister, who waited behind him with a\nwhite staff, near as tall as the mainmast of the Royal Sovereign, he\nobserved “how contemptible a thing was human grandeur, which could be\nmimicked by such diminutive insects as I: and yet,” says he, “I dare\nengage these creatures have their titles and distinctions of honour;\nthey contrive little nests and burrows, that they call houses and\ncities; they make a figure in dress and equipage; they love, they\nfight, they dispute, they cheat, they betray!” And thus he continued\non, while my colour came and went several times, with indignation, to\nhear our noble country, the mistress of arts and arms, the scourge of\nFrance, the arbitress of Europe, the seat of virtue, piety, honour, and\ntruth, the pride and envy of the world, so contemptuously treated.\n\nBut as I was not in a condition to resent injuries, so upon mature\nthoughts I began to doubt whether I was injured or no. For, after\nhaving been accustomed several months to the sight and converse of this\npeople, and observed every object upon which I cast my eyes to be of\nproportionable magnitude, the horror I had at first conceived from\ntheir bulk and aspect was so far worn off, that if I had then beheld a\ncompany of English lords and ladies in their finery and birth-day\nclothes, acting their several parts in the most courtly manner of\nstrutting, and bowing, and prating, to say the truth, I should have\nbeen strongly tempted to laugh as much at them as the king and his\ngrandees did at me. Neither, indeed, could I forbear smiling at myself,\nwhen the queen used to place me upon her hand towards a looking-glass,\nby which both our persons appeared before me in full view together; and\nthere could be nothing more ridiculous than the comparison; so that I\nreally began to imagine myself dwindled many degrees below my usual\nsize.\n\nNothing angered and mortified me so much as the queen’s dwarf; who\nbeing of the lowest stature that was ever in that country (for I verily\nthink he was not full thirty feet high), became so insolent at seeing a\ncreature so much beneath him, that he would always affect to swagger\nand look big as he passed by me in the queen’s antechamber, while I was\nstanding on some table talking with the lords or ladies of the court,\nand he seldom failed of a smart word or two upon my littleness; against\nwhich I could only revenge myself by calling him brother, challenging\nhim to wrestle, and such repartees as are usually in the mouths of\ncourt pages. One day, at dinner, this malicious little cub was so\nnettled with something I had said to him, that, raising himself upon\nthe frame of her majesty’s chair, he took me up by the middle, as I was\nsitting down, not thinking any harm, and let me drop into a large\nsilver bowl of cream, and then ran away as fast as he could. I fell\nover head and ears, and, if I had not been a good swimmer, it might\nhave gone very hard with me; for Glumdalclitch in that instant happened\nto be at the other end of the room, and the queen was in such a fright,\nthat she wanted presence of mind to assist me. But my little nurse ran\nto my relief, and took me out, after I had swallowed above a quart of\ncream. I was put to bed: however, I received no other damage than the\nloss of a suit of clothes, which was utterly spoiled. The dwarf was\nsoundly whipt, and as a farther punishment, forced to drink up the bowl\nof cream into which he had thrown me: neither was he ever restored to\nfavour; for soon after the queen bestowed him on a lady of high\nquality, so that I saw him no more, to my very great satisfaction; for\nI could not tell to what extremities such a malicious urchin might have\ncarried his resentment.\n\nHe had before served me a scurvy trick, which set the queen a-laughing,\nalthough at the same time she was heartily vexed, and would have\nimmediately cashiered him, if I had not been so generous as to\nintercede. Her majesty had taken a marrow-bone upon her plate, and,\nafter knocking out the marrow, placed the bone again in the dish erect,\nas it stood before; the dwarf, watching his opportunity, while\nGlumdalclitch was gone to the side-board, mounted the stool that she\nstood on to take care of me at meals, took me up in both hands, and\nsqueezing my legs together, wedged them into the marrow bone above my\nwaist, where I stuck for some time, and made a very ridiculous figure.\nI believe it was near a minute before any one knew what was become of\nme; for I thought it below me to cry out. But, as princes seldom get\ntheir meat hot, my legs were not scalded, only my stockings and\nbreeches in a sad condition. The dwarf, at my entreaty, had no other\npunishment than a sound whipping.\n\nI was frequently rallied by the queen upon account of my fearfulness;\nand she used to ask me whether the people of my country were as great\ncowards as myself? The occasion was this: the kingdom is much pestered\nwith flies in summer; and these odious insects, each of them as big as\na Dunstable lark, hardly gave me any rest while I sat at dinner, with\ntheir continual humming and buzzing about mine ears. They would\nsometimes alight upon my victuals, and leave their loathsome excrement,\nor spawn behind, which to me was very visible, though not to the\nnatives of that country, whose large optics were not so acute as mine,\nin viewing smaller objects. Sometimes they would fix upon my nose, or\nforehead, where they stung me to the quick, smelling very offensively;\nand I could easily trace that viscous matter, which, our naturalists\ntell us, enables those creatures to walk with their feet upwards upon a\nceiling. I had much ado to defend myself against these detestable\nanimals, and could not forbear starting when they came on my face. It\nwas the common practice of the dwarf, to catch a number of these\ninsects in his hand, as schoolboys do among us, and let them out\nsuddenly under my nose, on purpose to frighten me, and divert the\nqueen. My remedy was to cut them in pieces with my knife, as they flew\nin the air, wherein my dexterity was much admired.\n\nI remember, one morning, when Glumdalclitch had set me in a box upon a\nwindow, as she usually did in fair days to give me air (for I durst not\nventure to let the box be hung on a nail out of the window, as we do\nwith cages in England), after I had lifted up one of my sashes, and sat\ndown at my table to eat a piece of sweet cake for my breakfast, above\ntwenty wasps, allured by the smell, came flying into the room, humming\nlouder than the drones of as many bagpipes. Some of them seized my\ncake, and carried it piecemeal away; others flew about my head and\nface, confounding me with the noise, and putting me in the utmost\nterror of their stings. However, I had the courage to rise and draw my\nhanger, and attack them in the air. I dispatched four of them, but the\nrest got away, and I presently shut my window. These insects were as\nlarge as partridges: I took out their stings, found them an inch and a\nhalf long, and as sharp as needles. I carefully preserved them all; and\nhaving since shown them, with some other curiosities, in several parts\nof Europe, upon my return to England I gave three of them to Gresham\nCollege, and kept the fourth for myself.\n\n\nCHAPTER IV.\n\nThe country described. A proposal for correcting modern maps. The\nking’s palace; and some account of the metropolis. The author’s way of\ntravelling. The chief temple described.\n\n\nI now intend to give the reader a short description of this country, as\nfar as I travelled in it, which was not above two thousand miles round\nLorbrulgrud, the metropolis. For the queen, whom I always attended,\nnever went farther when she accompanied the king in his progresses, and\nthere staid till his majesty returned from viewing his frontiers. The\nwhole extent of this prince’s dominions reaches about six thousand\nmiles in length, and from three to five in breadth: whence I cannot but\nconclude, that our geographers of Europe are in a great error, by\nsupposing nothing but sea between Japan and California; for it was ever\nmy opinion, that there must be a balance of earth to counterpoise the\ngreat continent of Tartary; and therefore they ought to correct their\nmaps and charts, by joining this vast tract of land to the north-west\nparts of America, wherein I shall be ready to lend them my assistance.\n\nThe kingdom is a peninsula, terminated to the north-east by a ridge of\nmountains thirty miles high, which are altogether impassable, by reason\nof the volcanoes upon the tops: neither do the most learned know what\nsort of mortals inhabit beyond those mountains, or whether they be\ninhabited at all. On the three other sides, it is bounded by the ocean.\nThere is not one seaport in the whole kingdom: and those parts of the\ncoasts into which the rivers issue, are so full of pointed rocks, and\nthe sea generally so rough, that there is no venturing with the\nsmallest of their boats; so that these people are wholly excluded from\nany commerce with the rest of the world. But the large rivers are full\nof vessels, and abound with excellent fish; for they seldom get any\nfrom the sea, because the sea fish are of the same size with those in\nEurope, and consequently not worth catching; whereby it is manifest,\nthat nature, in the production of plants and animals of so\nextraordinary a bulk, is wholly confined to this continent, of which I\nleave the reasons to be determined by philosophers. However, now and\nthen they take a whale that happens to be dashed against the rocks,\nwhich the common people feed on heartily. These whales I have known so\nlarge, that a man could hardly carry one upon his shoulders; and\nsometimes, for curiosity, they are brought in hampers to Lorbrulgrud; I\nsaw one of them in a dish at the king’s table, which passed for a\nrarity, but I did not observe he was fond of it; for I think, indeed,\nthe bigness disgusted him, although I have seen one somewhat larger in\nGreenland.\n\nThe country is well inhabited, for it contains fifty-one cities, near a\nhundred walled towns, and a great number of villages. To satisfy my\ncurious reader, it may be sufficient to describe Lorbrulgrud. This city\nstands upon almost two equal parts, on each side the river that passes\nthrough. It contains above eighty thousand houses, and about six\nhundred thousand inhabitants. It is in length three _glomglungs_ (which\nmake about fifty-four English miles,) and two and a half in breadth; as\nI measured it myself in the royal map made by the king’s order, which\nwas laid on the ground on purpose for me, and extended a hundred feet:\nI paced the diameter and circumference several times barefoot, and,\ncomputing by the scale, measured it pretty exactly.\n\nThe king’s palace is no regular edifice, but a heap of buildings, about\nseven miles round: the chief rooms are generally two hundred and forty\nfeet high, and broad and long in proportion. A coach was allowed to\nGlumdalclitch and me, wherein her governess frequently took her out to\nsee the town, or go among the shops; and I was always of the party,\ncarried in my box; although the girl, at my own desire, would often\ntake me out, and hold me in her hand, that I might more conveniently\nview the houses and the people, as we passed along the streets. I\nreckoned our coach to be about a square of Westminster-hall, but not\naltogether so high: however, I cannot be very exact. One day the\ngoverness ordered our coachman to stop at several shops, where the\nbeggars, watching their opportunity, crowded to the sides of the coach,\nand gave me the most horrible spectacle that ever a European eye\nbeheld. There was a woman with a cancer in her breast, swelled to a\nmonstrous size, full of holes, in two or three of which I could have\neasily crept, and covered my whole body. There was a fellow with a wen\nin his neck, larger than five wool-packs; and another, with a couple of\nwooden legs, each about twenty feet high. But the most hateful sight of\nall, was the lice crawling on their clothes. I could see distinctly the\nlimbs of these vermin with my naked eye, much better than those of a\nEuropean louse through a microscope, and their snouts with which they\nrooted like swine. They were the first I had ever beheld, and I should\nhave been curious enough to dissect one of them, if I had had proper\ninstruments, which I unluckily left behind me in the ship, although,\nindeed, the sight was so nauseous, that it perfectly turned my stomach.\n\nBesides the large box in which I was usually carried, the queen ordered\na smaller one to be made for me, of about twelve feet square, and ten\nhigh, for the convenience of travelling; because the other was somewhat\ntoo large for Glumdalclitch’s lap, and cumbersome in the coach; it was\nmade by the same artist, whom I directed in the whole contrivance. This\ntravelling-closet was an exact square, with a window in the middle of\nthree of the squares, and each window was latticed with iron wire on\nthe outside, to prevent accidents in long journeys. On the fourth side,\nwhich had no window, two strong staples were fixed, through which the\nperson that carried me, when I had a mind to be on horseback, put a\nleathern belt, and buckled it about his waist. This was always the\noffice of some grave trusty servant, in whom I could confide, whether I\nattended the king and queen in their progresses, or were disposed to\nsee the gardens, or pay a visit to some great lady or minister of state\nin the court, when Glumdalclitch happened to be out of order; for I\nsoon began to be known and esteemed among the greatest officers, I\nsuppose more upon account of their majesties’ favour, than any merit of\nmy own. In journeys, when I was weary of the coach, a servant on\nhorseback would buckle on my box, and place it upon a cushion before\nhim; and there I had a full prospect of the country on three sides,\nfrom my three windows. I had, in this closet, a field-bed and a\nhammock, hung from the ceiling, two chairs and a table, neatly screwed\nto the floor, to prevent being tossed about by the agitation of the\nhorse or the coach. And having been long used to sea-voyages, those\nmotions, although sometimes very violent, did not much discompose me.\n\nWhenever I had a mind to see the town, it was always in my\ntravelling-closet; which Glumdalclitch held in her lap in a kind of\nopen sedan, after the fashion of the country, borne by four men, and\nattended by two others in the queen’s livery. The people, who had often\nheard of me, were very curious to crowd about the sedan, and the girl\nwas complaisant enough to make the bearers stop, and to take me in her\nhand, that I might be more conveniently seen.\n\nI was very desirous to see the chief temple, and particularly the tower\nbelonging to it, which is reckoned the highest in the kingdom.\nAccordingly one day my nurse carried me thither, but I may truly say I\ncame back disappointed; for the height is not above three thousand\nfeet, reckoning from the ground to the highest pinnacle top; which,\nallowing for the difference between the size of those people and us in\nEurope, is no great matter for admiration, nor at all equal in\nproportion (if I rightly remember) to Salisbury steeple. But, not to\ndetract from a nation, to which, during my life, I shall acknowledge\nmyself extremely obliged, it must be allowed, that whatever this famous\ntower wants in height, is amply made up in beauty and strength: for the\nwalls are near a hundred feet thick, built of hewn stone, whereof each\nis about forty feet square, and adorned on all sides with statues of\ngods and emperors, cut in marble, larger than the life, placed in their\nseveral niches. I measured a little finger which had fallen down from\none of these statues, and lay unperceived among some rubbish, and found\nit exactly four feet and an inch in length. Glumdalclitch wrapped it up\nin her handkerchief, and carried it home in her pocket, to keep among\nother trinkets, of which the girl was very fond, as children at her age\nusually are.\n\nThe king’s kitchen is indeed a noble building, vaulted at top, and\nabout six hundred feet high. The great oven is not so wide, by ten\npaces, as the cupola at St. Paul’s: for I measured the latter on\npurpose, after my return. But if I should describe the kitchen grate,\nthe prodigious pots and kettles, the joints of meat turning on the\nspits, with many other particulars, perhaps I should be hardly\nbelieved; at least a severe critic would be apt to think I enlarged a\nlittle, as travellers are often suspected to do. To avoid which censure\nI fear I have run too much into the other extreme; and that if this\ntreatise should happen to be translated into the language of\nBrobdingnag (which is the general name of that kingdom,) and\ntransmitted thither, the king and his people would have reason to\ncomplain that I had done them an injury, by a false and diminutive\nrepresentation.\n\nHis majesty seldom keeps above six hundred horses in his stables: they\nare generally from fifty-four to sixty feet high. But, when he goes\nabroad on solemn days, he is attended, for state, by a military guard\nof five hundred horse, which, indeed, I thought was the most splendid\nsight that could be ever beheld, till I saw part of his army in\nbattalia, whereof I shall find another occasion to speak.\n\n\nCHAPTER V.\n\nSeveral adventures that happened to the author. The execution of a\ncriminal. The author shows his skill in navigation.\n\n\nI should have lived happy enough in that country, if my littleness had\nnot exposed me to several ridiculous and troublesome accidents; some of\nwhich I shall venture to relate. Glumdalclitch often carried me into\nthe gardens of the court in my smaller box, and would sometimes take me\nout of it, and hold me in her hand, or set me down to walk. I remember,\nbefore the dwarf left the queen, he followed us one day into those\ngardens, and my nurse having set me down, he and I being close\ntogether, near some dwarf apple trees, I must needs show my wit, by a\nsilly allusion between him and the trees, which happens to hold in\ntheir language as it does in ours. Whereupon, the malicious rogue,\nwatching his opportunity, when I was walking under one of them, shook\nit directly over my head, by which a dozen apples, each of them near as\nlarge as a Bristol barrel, came tumbling about my ears; one of them hit\nme on the back as I chanced to stoop, and knocked me down flat on my\nface; but I received no other hurt, and the dwarf was pardoned at my\ndesire, because I had given the provocation.\n\nAnother day, Glumdalclitch left me on a smooth grass-plot to divert\nmyself, while she walked at some distance with her governess. In the\nmeantime, there suddenly fell such a violent shower of hail, that I was\nimmediately by the force of it, struck to the ground: and when I was\ndown, the hailstones gave me such cruel bangs all over the body, as if\nI had been pelted with tennis-balls; however, I made a shift to creep\non all fours, and shelter myself, by lying flat on my face, on the\nlee-side of a border of lemon-thyme, but so bruised from head to foot,\nthat I could not go abroad in ten days. Neither is this at all to be\nwondered at, because nature, in that country, observing the same\nproportion through all her operations, a hailstone is near eighteen\nhundred times as large as one in Europe; which I can assert upon\nexperience, having been so curious as to weigh and measure them.\n\nBut a more dangerous accident happened to me in the same garden, when\nmy little nurse, believing she had put me in a secure place (which I\noften entreated her to do, that I might enjoy my own thoughts,) and\nhaving left my box at home, to avoid the trouble of carrying it, went\nto another part of the garden with her governess and some ladies of her\nacquaintance. While she was absent, and out of hearing, a small white\nspaniel that belonged to one of the chief gardeners, having got by\naccident into the garden, happened to range near the place where I lay:\nthe dog, following the scent, came directly up, and taking me in his\nmouth, ran straight to his master wagging his tail, and set me gently\non the ground. By good fortune he had been so well taught, that I was\ncarried between his teeth without the least hurt, or even tearing my\nclothes. But the poor gardener, who knew me well, and had a great\nkindness for me, was in a terrible fright: he gently took me up in both\nhis hands, and asked me how I did? but I was so amazed and out of\nbreath, that I could not speak a word. In a few minutes I came to\nmyself, and he carried me safe to my little nurse, who, by this time,\nhad returned to the place where she left me, and was in cruel agonies\nwhen I did not appear, nor answer when she called. She severely\nreprimanded the gardener on account of his dog. But the thing was\nhushed up, and never known at court, for the girl was afraid of the\nqueen’s anger; and truly, as to myself, I thought it would not be for\nmy reputation, that such a story should go about.\n\nThis accident absolutely determined Glumdalclitch never to trust me\nabroad for the future out of her sight. I had been long afraid of this\nresolution, and therefore concealed from her some little unlucky\nadventures, that happened in those times when I was left by myself.\nOnce a kite, hovering over the garden, made a stoop at me, and if I had\nnot resolutely drawn my hanger, and run under a thick espalier, he\nwould have certainly carried me away in his talons. Another time,\nwalking to the top of a fresh mole-hill, I fell to my neck in the hole,\nthrough which that animal had cast up the earth, and coined some lie,\nnot worth remembering, to excuse myself for spoiling my clothes. I\nlikewise broke my right shin against the shell of a snail, which I\nhappened to stumble over, as I was walking alone and thinking on poor\nEngland.\n\nI cannot tell whether I were more pleased or mortified to observe, in\nthose solitary walks, that the smaller birds did not appear to be at\nall afraid of me, but would hop about within a yard’s distance, looking\nfor worms and other food, with as much indifference and security as if\nno creature at all were near them. I remember, a thrush had the\nconfidence to snatch out of my hand, with his bill, a piece of cake\nthat Glumdalclitch had just given me for my breakfast. When I attempted\nto catch any of these birds, they would boldly turn against me,\nendeavouring to peck my fingers, which I durst not venture within their\nreach; and then they would hop back unconcerned, to hunt for worms or\nsnails, as they did before. But one day, I took a thick cudgel, and\nthrew it with all my strength so luckily, at a linnet, that I knocked\nhim down, and seizing him by the neck with both my hands, ran with him\nin triumph to my nurse. However, the bird, who had only been stunned,\nrecovering himself gave me so many boxes with his wings, on both sides\nof my head and body, though I held him at arm’s length, and was out of\nthe reach of his claws, that I was twenty times thinking to let him go.\nBut I was soon relieved by one of our servants, who wrung off the\nbird’s neck, and I had him next day for dinner, by the queen’s command.\nThis linnet, as near as I can remember, seemed to be somewhat larger\nthan an English swan.\n\nThe maids of honour often invited Glumdalclitch to their apartments,\nand desired she would bring me along with her, on purpose to have the\npleasure of seeing and touching me. They would often strip me naked\nfrom top to toe, and lay me at full length in their bosoms; wherewith I\nwas much disgusted because, to say the truth, a very offensive smell\ncame from their skins; which I do not mention, or intend, to the\ndisadvantage of those excellent ladies, for whom I have all manner of\nrespect; but I conceive that my sense was more acute in proportion to\nmy littleness, and that those illustrious persons were no more\ndisagreeable to their lovers, or to each other, than people of the same\nquality are with us in England. And, after all, I found their natural\nsmell was much more supportable, than when they used perfumes, under\nwhich I immediately swooned away. I cannot forget, that an intimate\nfriend of mine in Lilliput, took the freedom in a warm day, when I had\nused a good deal of exercise, to complain of a strong smell about me,\nalthough I am as little faulty that way, as most of my sex: but I\nsuppose his faculty of smelling was as nice with regard to me, as mine\nwas to that of this people. Upon this point, I cannot forbear doing\njustice to the queen my mistress, and Glumdalclitch my nurse, whose\npersons were as sweet as those of any lady in England.\n\nThat which gave me most uneasiness among these maids of honour (when my\nnurse carried me to visit them) was, to see them use me without any\nmanner of ceremony, like a creature who had no sort of consequence: for\nthey would strip themselves to the skin, and put on their smocks in my\npresence, while I was placed on their toilet, directly before their\nnaked bodies, which I am sure to me was very far from being a tempting\nsight, or from giving me any other emotions than those of horror and\ndisgust: their skins appeared so coarse and uneven, so variously\ncoloured, when I saw them near, with a mole here and there as broad as\na trencher, and hairs hanging from it thicker than packthreads, to say\nnothing farther concerning the rest of their persons. Neither did they\nat all scruple, while I was by, to discharge what they had drank, to\nthe quantity of at least two hogsheads, in a vessel that held above\nthree tuns. The handsomest among these maids of honour, a pleasant,\nfrolicsome girl of sixteen, would sometimes set me astride upon one of\nher nipples, with many other tricks, wherein the reader will excuse me\nfor not being over particular. But I was so much displeased, that I\nentreated Glumdalclitch to contrive some excuse for not seeing that\nyoung lady any more.\n\nOne day, a young gentleman, who was nephew to my nurse’s governess,\ncame and pressed them both to see an execution. It was of a man, who\nhad murdered one of that gentleman’s intimate acquaintance.\nGlumdalclitch was prevailed on to be of the company, very much against\nher inclination, for she was naturally tender-hearted: and, as for\nmyself, although I abhorred such kind of spectacles, yet my curiosity\ntempted me to see something that I thought must be extraordinary. The\nmalefactor was fixed in a chair upon a scaffold erected for that\npurpose, and his head cut off at one blow, with a sword of about forty\nfeet long. The veins and arteries spouted up such a prodigious quantity\nof blood, and so high in the air, that the great _jet d’eau_ at\nVersailles was not equal to it for the time it lasted: and the head,\nwhen it fell on the scaffold floor, gave such a bounce as made me\nstart, although I was at least half an English mile distant.\n\nThe queen, who often used to hear me talk of my sea-voyages, and took\nall occasions to divert me when I was melancholy, asked me whether I\nunderstood how to handle a sail or an oar, and whether a little\nexercise of rowing might not be convenient for my health? I answered,\nthat I understood both very well: for although my proper employment had\nbeen to be surgeon or doctor to the ship, yet often, upon a pinch, I\nwas forced to work like a common mariner. But I could not see how this\ncould be done in their country, where the smallest wherry was equal to\na first-rate man of war among us; and such a boat as I could manage\nwould never live in any of their rivers. Her majesty said, if I would\ncontrive a boat, her own joiner should make it, and she would provide a\nplace for me to sail in. The fellow was an ingenious workman, and by my\ninstructions, in ten days, finished a pleasure-boat with all its\ntackling, able conveniently to hold eight Europeans. When it was\nfinished, the queen was so delighted, that she ran with it in her lap\nto the king, who ordered it to be put into a cistern full of water,\nwith me in it, by way of trial, where I could not manage my two sculls,\nor little oars, for want of room. But the queen had before contrived\nanother project. She ordered the joiner to make a wooden trough of\nthree hundred feet long, fifty broad, and eight deep; which, being well\npitched, to prevent leaking, was placed on the floor, along the wall,\nin an outer room of the palace. It had a cock near the bottom to let\nout the water, when it began to grow stale; and two servants could\neasily fill it in half an hour. Here I often used to row for my own\ndiversion, as well as that of the queen and her ladies, who thought\nthemselves well entertained with my skill and agility. Sometimes I\nwould put up my sail, and then my business was only to steer, while the\nladies gave me a gale with their fans; and, when they were weary, some\nof their pages would blow my sail forward with their breath, while I\nshowed my art by steering starboard or larboard as I pleased. When I\nhad done, Glumdalclitch always carried back my boat into her closet,\nand hung it on a nail to dry.\n\nIn this exercise I once met an accident, which had like to have cost me\nmy life; for, one of the pages having put my boat into the trough, the\ngoverness who attended Glumdalclitch very officiously lifted me up, to\nplace me in the boat: but I happened to slip through her fingers, and\nshould infallibly have fallen down forty feet upon the floor, if, by\nthe luckiest chance in the world, I had not been stopped by a\ncorking-pin that stuck in the good gentlewoman’s stomacher; the head of\nthe pin passing between my shirt and the waistband of my breeches, and\nthus I was held by the middle in the air, till Glumdalclitch ran to my\nrelief.\n\nAnother time, one of the servants, whose office it was to fill my\ntrough every third day with fresh water, was so careless as to let a\nhuge frog (not perceiving it) slip out of his pail. The frog lay\nconcealed till I was put into my boat, but then, seeing a\nresting-place, climbed up, and made it lean so much on one side, that I\nwas forced to balance it with all my weight on the other, to prevent\noverturning. When the frog was got in, it hopped at once half the\nlength of the boat, and then over my head, backward and forward,\ndaubing my face and clothes with its odious slime. The largeness of its\nfeatures made it appear the most deformed animal that can be conceived.\nHowever, I desired Glumdalclitch to let me deal with it alone. I banged\nit a good while with one of my sculls, and at last forced it to leap\nout of the boat.\n\nBut the greatest danger I ever underwent in that kingdom, was from a\nmonkey, who belonged to one of the clerks of the kitchen. Glumdalclitch\nhad locked me up in her closet, while she went somewhere upon business,\nor a visit. The weather being very warm, the closet-window was left\nopen, as well as the windows and the door of my bigger box, in which I\nusually lived, because of its largeness and conveniency. As I sat\nquietly meditating at my table, I heard something bounce in at the\ncloset-window, and skip about from one side to the other: whereat,\nalthough I was much alarmed, yet I ventured to look out, but not\nstirring from my seat; and then I saw this frolicsome animal frisking\nand leaping up and down, till at last he came to my box, which he\nseemed to view with great pleasure and curiosity, peeping in at the\ndoor and every window. I retreated to the farther corner of my room; or\nbox; but the monkey looking in at every side, put me in such a fright,\nthat I wanted presence of mind to conceal myself under the bed, as I\nmight easily have done. After some time spent in peeping, grinning, and\nchattering, he at last espied me; and reaching one of his paws in at\nthe door, as a cat does when she plays with a mouse, although I often\nshifted place to avoid him, he at length seized the lappet of my coat\n(which being made of that country silk, was very thick and strong), and\ndragged me out. He took me up in his right fore-foot and held me as a\nnurse does a child she is going to suckle, just as I have seen the same\nsort of creature do with a kitten in Europe; and when I offered to\nstruggle he squeezed me so hard, that I thought it more prudent to\nsubmit. I have good reason to believe, that he took me for a young one\nof his own species, by his often stroking my face very gently with his\nother paw. In these diversions he was interrupted by a noise at the\ncloset door, as if somebody were opening it: whereupon he suddenly\nleaped up to the window at which he had come in, and thence upon the\nleads and gutters, walking upon three legs, and holding me in the\nfourth, till he clambered up to a roof that was next to ours. I heard\nGlumdalclitch give a shriek at the moment he was carrying me out. The\npoor girl was almost distracted: that quarter of the palace was all in\nan uproar; the servants ran for ladders; the monkey was seen by\nhundreds in the court, sitting upon the ridge of a building, holding me\nlike a baby in one of his forepaws, and feeding me with the other, by\ncramming into my mouth some victuals he had squeezed out of the bag on\none side of his chaps, and patting me when I would not eat; whereat\nmany of the rabble below could not forbear laughing; neither do I think\nthey justly ought to be blamed, for, without question, the sight was\nridiculous enough to every body but myself. Some of the people threw up\nstones, hoping to drive the monkey down; but this was strictly\nforbidden, or else, very probably, my brains had been dashed out.\n\nThe ladders were now applied, and mounted by several men; which the\nmonkey observing, and finding himself almost encompassed, not being\nable to make speed enough with his three legs, let me drop on a ridge\ntile, and made his escape. Here I sat for some time, five hundred yards\nfrom the ground, expecting every moment to be blown down by the wind,\nor to fall by my own giddiness, and come tumbling over and over from\nthe ridge to the eaves; but an honest lad, one of my nurse’s footmen,\nclimbed up, and putting me into his breeches pocket, brought me down\nsafe.\n\nI was almost choked with the filthy stuff the monkey had crammed down\nmy throat: but my dear little nurse picked it out of my mouth with a\nsmall needle, and then I fell a-vomiting, which gave me great relief.\nYet I was so weak and bruised in the sides with the squeezes given me\nby this odious animal, that I was forced to keep my bed a fortnight.\nThe king, queen, and all the court, sent every day to inquire after my\nhealth; and her majesty made me several visits during my sickness. The\nmonkey was killed, and an order made, that no such animal should be\nkept about the palace.\n\nWhen I attended the king after my recovery, to return him thanks for\nhis favours, he was pleased to rally me a good deal upon this\nadventure. He asked me, “what my thoughts and speculations were, while\nI lay in the monkey’s paw; how I liked the victuals he gave me; his\nmanner of feeding; and whether the fresh air on the roof had sharpened\nmy stomach.” He desired to know, “what I would have done upon such an\noccasion in my own country.” I told his majesty, “that in Europe we had\nno monkeys, except such as were brought for curiosity from other\nplaces, and so small, that I could deal with a dozen of them together,\nif they presumed to attack me. And as for that monstrous animal with\nwhom I was so lately engaged (it was indeed as large as an elephant),\nif my fears had suffered me to think so far as to make use of my\nhanger,” (looking fiercely, and clapping my hand on the hilt, as I\nspoke) “when he poked his paw into my chamber, perhaps I should have\ngiven him such a wound, as would have made him glad to withdraw it with\nmore haste than he put it in.” This I delivered in a firm tone, like a\nperson who was jealous lest his courage should be called in question.\nHowever, my speech produced nothing else beside a loud laughter, which\nall the respect due to his majesty from those about him could not make\nthem contain. This made me reflect, how vain an attempt it is for a man\nto endeavour to do himself honour among those who are out of all degree\nof equality or comparison with him. And yet I have seen the moral of my\nown behaviour very frequent in England since my return; where a little\ncontemptible varlet, without the least title to birth, person, wit, or\ncommon sense, shall presume to look with importance, and put himself\nupon a foot with the greatest persons of the kingdom.\n\nI was every day furnishing the court with some ridiculous story: and\nGlumdalclitch, although she loved me to excess, yet was arch enough to\ninform the queen, whenever I committed any folly that she thought would\nbe diverting to her majesty. The girl, who had been out of order, was\ncarried by her governess to take the air about an hour’s distance, or\nthirty miles from town. They alighted out of the coach near a small\nfoot-path in a field, and Glumdalclitch setting down my travelling box,\nI went out of it to walk. There was a cow-dung in the path, and I must\nneed try my activity by attempting to leap over it. I took a run, but\nunfortunately jumped short, and found myself just in the middle up to\nmy knees. I waded through with some difficulty, and one of the footmen\nwiped me as clean as he could with his handkerchief, for I was filthily\nbemired; and my nurse confined me to my box, till we returned home;\nwhere the queen was soon informed of what had passed, and the footmen\nspread it about the court: so that all the mirth for some days was at\nmy expense.\n\n\nCHAPTER VI.\n\nSeveral contrivances of the author to please the king and queen. He\nshows his skill in music. The king inquires into the state of England,\nwhich the author relates to him. The king’s observations thereon.\n\n\nI used to attend the king’s levee once or twice a week, and had often\nseen him under the barber’s hand, which indeed was at first very\nterrible to behold; for the razor was almost twice as long as an\nordinary scythe. His majesty, according to the custom of the country,\nwas only shaved twice a week. I once prevailed on the barber to give me\nsome of the suds or lather, out of which I picked forty or fifty of the\nstrongest stumps of hair. I then took a piece of fine wood, and cut it\nlike the back of a comb, making several holes in it at equal distances\nwith as small a needle as I could get from Glumdalclitch. I fixed in\nthe stumps so artificially, scraping and sloping them with my knife\ntoward the points, that I made a very tolerable comb; which was a\nseasonable supply, my own being so much broken in the teeth, that it\nwas almost useless: neither did I know any artist in that country so\nnice and exact, as would undertake to make me another.\n\nAnd this puts me in mind of an amusement, wherein I spent many of my\nleisure hours. I desired the queen’s woman to save for me the combings\nof her majesty’s hair, whereof in time I got a good quantity; and\nconsulting with my friend the cabinet-maker, who had received general\norders to do little jobs for me, I directed him to make two\nchair-frames, no larger than those I had in my box, and to bore little\nholes with a fine awl, round those parts where I designed the backs and\nseats; through these holes I wove the strongest hairs I could pick out,\njust after the manner of cane chairs in England. When they were\nfinished, I made a present of them to her majesty; who kept them in her\ncabinet, and used to show them for curiosities, as indeed they were the\nwonder of every one that beheld them. The queen would have me sit upon\none of these chairs, but I absolutely refused to obey her, protesting I\nwould rather die than place a dishonourable part of my body on those\nprecious hairs, that once adorned her majesty’s head. Of these hairs\n(as I had always a mechanical genius) I likewise made a neat little\npurse, about five feet long, with her majesty’s name deciphered in gold\nletters, which I gave to Glumdalclitch, by the queen’s consent. To say\nthe truth, it was more for show than use, being not of strength to bear\nthe weight of the larger coins, and therefore she kept nothing in it\nbut some little toys that girls are fond of.\n\nThe king, who delighted in music, had frequent concerts at court, to\nwhich I was sometimes carried, and set in my box on a table to hear\nthem: but the noise was so great that I could hardly distinguish the\ntunes. I am confident that all the drums and trumpets of a royal army,\nbeating and sounding together just at your ears, could not equal it. My\npractice was to have my box removed from the place where the performers\nsat, as far as I could, then to shut the doors and windows of it, and\ndraw the window curtains; after which I found their music not\ndisagreeable.\n\nI had learned in my youth to play a little upon the spinet.\nGlumdalclitch kept one in her chamber, and a master attended twice a\nweek to teach her: I called it a spinet, because it somewhat resembled\nthat instrument, and was played upon in the same manner. A fancy came\ninto my head, that I would entertain the king and queen with an English\ntune upon this instrument. But this appeared extremely difficult: for\nthe spinet was near sixty feet long, each key being almost a foot wide,\nso that with my arms extended I could not reach to above five keys, and\nto press them down required a good smart stroke with my fist, which\nwould be too great a labour, and to no purpose. The method I contrived\nwas this: I prepared two round sticks, about the bigness of common\ncudgels; they were thicker at one end than the other, and I covered the\nthicker ends with pieces of a mouse’s skin, that by rapping on them I\nmight neither damage the tops of the keys nor interrupt the sound.\nBefore the spinet a bench was placed, about four feet below the keys,\nand I was put upon the bench. I ran sideling upon it, that way and\nthis, as fast as I could, banging the proper keys with my two sticks,\nand made a shift to play a jig, to the great satisfaction of both their\nmajesties; but it was the most violent exercise I ever underwent; and\nyet I could not strike above sixteen keys, nor consequently play the\nbass and treble together, as other artists do; which was a great\ndisadvantage to my performance.\n\nThe king, who, as I before observed, was a prince of excellent\nunderstanding, would frequently order that I should be brought in my\nbox, and set upon the table in his closet: he would then command me to\nbring one of my chairs out of the box, and sit down within three yards\ndistance upon the top of the cabinet, which brought me almost to a\nlevel with his face. In this manner I had several conversations with\nhim. I one day took the freedom to tell his majesty, “that the contempt\nhe discovered towards Europe, and the rest of the world, did not seem\nanswerable to those excellent qualities of mind that he was master of;\nthat reason did not extend itself with the bulk of the body; on the\ncontrary, we observed in our country, that the tallest persons were\nusually the least provided with it; that among other animals, bees and\nants had the reputation of more industry, art, and sagacity, than many\nof the larger kinds; and that, as inconsiderable as he took me to be, I\nhoped I might live to do his majesty some signal service.” The king\nheard me with attention, and began to conceive a much better opinion of\nme than he had ever before. He desired “I would give him as exact an\naccount of the government of England as I possibly could; because, as\nfond as princes commonly are of their own customs (for so he\nconjectured of other monarchs, by my former discourses), he should be\nglad to hear of any thing that might deserve imitation.”\n\nImagine with thyself, courteous reader, how often I then wished for the\ntongue of Demosthenes or Cicero, that might have enabled me to\ncelebrate the praise of my own dear native country in a style equal to\nits merits and felicity.\n\nI began my discourse by informing his majesty, that our dominions\nconsisted of two islands, which composed three mighty kingdoms, under\none sovereign, beside our plantations in America. I dwelt long upon the\nfertility of our soil, and the temperature of our climate. I then spoke\nat large upon the constitution of an English parliament; partly made up\nof an illustrious body called the House of Peers; persons of the\nnoblest blood, and of the most ancient and ample patrimonies. I\ndescribed that extraordinary care always taken of their education in\narts and arms, to qualify them for being counsellors both to the king\nand kingdom; to have a share in the legislature; to be members of the\nhighest court of judicature, whence there can be no appeal; and to be\nchampions always ready for the defence of their prince and country, by\ntheir valour, conduct, and fidelity. That these were the ornament and\nbulwark of the kingdom, worthy followers of their most renowned\nancestors, whose honour had been the reward of their virtue, from which\ntheir posterity were never once known to degenerate. To these were\njoined several holy persons, as part of that assembly, under the title\nof bishops, whose peculiar business is to take care of religion, and of\nthose who instruct the people therein. These were searched and sought\nout through the whole nation, by the prince and his wisest counsellors,\namong such of the priesthood as were most deservedly distinguished by\nthe sanctity of their lives, and the depth of their erudition; who were\nindeed the spiritual fathers of the clergy and the people.\n\nThat the other part of the parliament consisted of an assembly called\nthe House of Commons, who were all principal gentlemen, freely picked\nand culled out by the people themselves, for their great abilities and\nlove of their country, to represent the wisdom of the whole nation. And\nthat these two bodies made up the most august assembly in Europe; to\nwhom, in conjunction with the prince, the whole legislature is\ncommitted.\n\nI then descended to the courts of justice; over which the judges, those\nvenerable sages and interpreters of the law, presided, for determining\nthe disputed rights and properties of men, as well as for the\npunishment of vice and protection of innocence. I mentioned the prudent\nmanagement of our treasury; the valour and achievements of our forces,\nby sea and land. I computed the number of our people, by reckoning how\nmany millions there might be of each religious sect, or political party\namong us. I did not omit even our sports and pastimes, or any other\nparticular which I thought might redound to the honour of my country.\nAnd I finished all with a brief historical account of affairs and\nevents in England for about a hundred years past.\n\nThis conversation was not ended under five audiences, each of several\nhours; and the king heard the whole with great attention, frequently\ntaking notes of what I spoke, as well as memorandums of what questions\nhe intended to ask me.\n\nWhen I had put an end to these long discourses, his majesty, in a sixth\naudience, consulting his notes, proposed many doubts, queries, and\nobjections, upon every article. He asked, “What methods were used to\ncultivate the minds and bodies of our young nobility, and in what kind\nof business they commonly spent the first and teachable parts of their\nlives? What course was taken to supply that assembly, when any noble\nfamily became extinct? What qualifications were necessary in those who\nare to be created new lords: whether the humour of the prince, a sum of\nmoney to a court lady, or a design of strengthening a party opposite to\nthe public interest, ever happened to be the motive in those\nadvancements? What share of knowledge these lords had in the laws of\ntheir country, and how they came by it, so as to enable them to decide\nthe properties of their fellow-subjects in the last resort? Whether\nthey were always so free from avarice, partialities, or want, that a\nbribe, or some other sinister view, could have no place among them?\nWhether those holy lords I spoke of were always promoted to that rank\nupon account of their knowledge in religious matters, and the sanctity\nof their lives; had never been compliers with the times, while they\nwere common priests; or slavish prostitute chaplains to some nobleman,\nwhose opinions they continued servilely to follow, after they were\nadmitted into that assembly?”\n\nHe then desired to know, “What arts were practised in electing those\nwhom I called commoners: whether a stranger, with a strong purse, might\nnot influence the vulgar voters to choose him before their own\nlandlord, or the most considerable gentleman in the neighbourhood? How\nit came to pass, that people were so violently bent upon getting into\nthis assembly, which I allowed to be a great trouble and expense, often\nto the ruin of their families, without any salary or pension? because\nthis appeared such an exalted strain of virtue and public spirit, that\nhis majesty seemed to doubt it might possibly not be always sincere.”\nAnd he desired to know, “Whether such zealous gentlemen could have any\nviews of refunding themselves for the charges and trouble they were at\nby sacrificing the public good to the designs of a weak and vicious\nprince, in conjunction with a corrupted ministry?” He multiplied his\nquestions, and sifted me thoroughly upon every part of this head,\nproposing numberless inquiries and objections, which I think it not\nprudent or convenient to repeat.\n\nUpon what I said in relation to our courts of justice, his majesty\ndesired to be satisfied in several points: and this I was the better\nable to do, having been formerly almost ruined by a long suit in\nchancery, which was decreed for me with costs. He asked, “What time was\nusually spent in determining between right and wrong, and what degree\nof expense? Whether advocates and orators had liberty to plead in\ncauses manifestly known to be unjust, vexatious, or oppressive? Whether\nparty, in religion or politics, were observed to be of any weight in\nthe scale of justice? Whether those pleading orators were persons\neducated in the general knowledge of equity, or only in provincial,\nnational, and other local customs? Whether they or their judges had any\npart in penning those laws, which they assumed the liberty of\ninterpreting, and glossing upon at their pleasure? Whether they had\never, at different times, pleaded for and against the same cause, and\ncited precedents to prove contrary opinions? Whether they were a rich\nor a poor corporation? Whether they received any pecuniary reward for\npleading, or delivering their opinions? And particularly, whether they\nwere ever admitted as members in the lower senate?”\n\nHe fell next upon the management of our treasury; and said, “he thought\nmy memory had failed me, because I computed our taxes at about five or\nsix millions a year, and when I came to mention the issues, he found\nthey sometimes amounted to more than double; for the notes he had taken\nwere very particular in this point, because he hoped, as he told me,\nthat the knowledge of our conduct might be useful to him, and he could\nnot be deceived in his calculations. But, if what I told him were true,\nhe was still at a loss how a kingdom could run out of its estate, like\na private person.” He asked me, “who were our creditors; and where we\nfound money to pay them?” He wondered to hear me talk of such\nchargeable and expensive wars; “that certainly we must be a quarrelsome\npeople, or live among very bad neighbours, and that our generals must\nneeds be richer than our kings.” He asked, what business we had out of\nour own islands, unless upon the score of trade, or treaty, or to\ndefend the coasts with our fleet?” Above all, he was amazed to hear me\ntalk of a mercenary standing army, in the midst of peace, and among a\nfree people. He said, “if we were governed by our own consent, in the\npersons of our representatives, he could not imagine of whom we were\nafraid, or against whom we were to fight; and would hear my opinion,\nwhether a private man’s house might not be better defended by himself,\nhis children, and family, than by half-a-dozen rascals, picked up at a\nventure in the streets for small wages, who might get a hundred times\nmore by cutting their throats?”\n\nHe laughed at my “odd kind of arithmetic,” as he was pleased to call\nit, “in reckoning the numbers of our people, by a computation drawn\nfrom the several sects among us, in religion and politics.” He said,\n“he knew no reason why those, who entertain opinions prejudicial to the\npublic, should be obliged to change, or should not be obliged to\nconceal them. And as it was tyranny in any government to require the\nfirst, so it was weakness not to enforce the second: for a man may be\nallowed to keep poisons in his closet, but not to vend them about for\ncordials.”\n\nHe observed, “that among the diversions of our nobility and gentry, I\nhad mentioned gaming: he desired to know at what age this entertainment\nwas usually taken up, and when it was laid down; how much of their time\nit employed; whether it ever went so high as to affect their fortunes;\nwhether mean, vicious people, by their dexterity in that art, might not\narrive at great riches, and sometimes keep our very nobles in\ndependence, as well as habituate them to vile companions, wholly take\nthem from the improvement of their minds, and force them, by the losses\nthey received, to learn and practise that infamous dexterity upon\nothers?”\n\nHe was perfectly astonished with the historical account I gave him of\nour affairs during the last century; protesting “it was only a heap of\nconspiracies, rebellions, murders, massacres, revolutions, banishments,\nthe very worst effects that avarice, faction, hypocrisy,\nperfidiousness, cruelty, rage, madness, hatred, envy, lust, malice, and\nambition, could produce.”\n\nHis majesty, in another audience, was at the pains to recapitulate the\nsum of all I had spoken; compared the questions he made with the\nanswers I had given; then taking me into his hands, and stroking me\ngently, delivered himself in these words, which I shall never forget,\nnor the manner he spoke them in: “My little friend Grildrig, you have\nmade a most admirable panegyric upon your country; you have clearly\nproved, that ignorance, idleness, and vice, are the proper ingredients\nfor qualifying a legislator; that laws are best explained, interpreted,\nand applied, by those whose interest and abilities lie in perverting,\nconfounding, and eluding them. I observe among you some lines of an\ninstitution, which, in its original, might have been tolerable, but\nthese half erased, and the rest wholly blurred and blotted by\ncorruptions. It does not appear, from all you have said, how any one\nperfection is required toward the procurement of any one station among\nyou; much less, that men are ennobled on account of their virtue; that\npriests are advanced for their piety or learning; soldiers, for their\nconduct or valour; judges, for their integrity; senators, for the love\nof their country; or counsellors for their wisdom. As for yourself,”\ncontinued the king, “who have spent the greatest part of your life in\ntravelling, I am well disposed to hope you may hitherto have escaped\nmany vices of your country. But by what I have gathered from your own\nrelation, and the answers I have with much pains wrung and extorted\nfrom you, I cannot but conclude the bulk of your natives to be the most\npernicious race of little odious vermin that nature ever suffered to\ncrawl upon the surface of the earth.”\n\n\nCHAPTER VII.\n\nThe author’s love of his country. He makes a proposal of much advantage\nto the king, which is rejected. The king’s great ignorance in politics.\nThe learning of that country very imperfect and confined. The laws, and\nmilitary affairs, and parties in the state.\n\n\nNothing but an extreme love of truth could have hindered me from\nconcealing this part of my story. It was in vain to discover my\nresentments, which were always turned into ridicule; and I was forced\nto rest with patience, while my noble and beloved country was so\ninjuriously treated. I am as heartily sorry as any of my readers can\npossibly be, that such an occasion was given: but this prince happened\nto be so curious and inquisitive upon every particular, that it could\nnot consist either with gratitude or good manners, to refuse giving him\nwhat satisfaction I was able. Yet thus much I may be allowed to say in\nmy own vindication, that I artfully eluded many of his questions, and\ngave to every point a more favourable turn, by many degrees, than the\nstrictness of truth would allow. For I have always borne that laudable\npartiality to my own country, which Dionysius Halicarnassensis, with so\nmuch justice, recommends to an historian: I would hide the frailties\nand deformities of my political mother, and place her virtues and\nbeauties in the most advantageous light. This was my sincere endeavour\nin those many discourses I had with that monarch, although it\nunfortunately failed of success.\n\nBut great allowances should be given to a king, who lives wholly\nsecluded from the rest of the world, and must therefore be altogether\nunacquainted with the manners and customs that most prevail in other\nnations: the want of which knowledge will ever produce many prejudices,\nand a certain narrowness of thinking, from which we, and the politer\ncountries of Europe, are wholly exempted. And it would be hard indeed,\nif so remote a prince’s notions of virtue and vice were to be offered\nas a standard for all mankind.\n\nTo confirm what I have now said, and further to show the miserable\neffects of a confined education, I shall here insert a passage, which\nwill hardly obtain belief. In hopes to ingratiate myself further into\nhis majesty’s favour, I told him of “an invention, discovered between\nthree and four hundred years ago, to make a certain powder, into a heap\nof which, the smallest spark of fire falling, would kindle the whole in\na moment, although it were as big as a mountain, and make it all fly up\nin the air together, with a noise and agitation greater than thunder.\nThat a proper quantity of this powder rammed into a hollow tube of\nbrass or iron, according to its bigness, would drive a ball of iron or\nlead, with such violence and speed, as nothing was able to sustain its\nforce. That the largest balls thus discharged, would not only destroy\nwhole ranks of an army at once, but batter the strongest walls to the\nground, sink down ships, with a thousand men in each, to the bottom of\nthe sea, and when linked together by a chain, would cut through masts\nand rigging, divide hundreds of bodies in the middle, and lay all waste\nbefore them. That we often put this powder into large hollow balls of\niron, and discharged them by an engine into some city we were\nbesieging, which would rip up the pavements, tear the houses to pieces,\nburst and throw splinters on every side, dashing out the brains of all\nwho came near. That I knew the ingredients very well, which were cheap\nand common; I understood the manner of compounding them, and could\ndirect his workmen how to make those tubes, of a size proportionable to\nall other things in his majesty’s kingdom, and the largest need not be\nabove a hundred feet long; twenty or thirty of which tubes, charged\nwith the proper quantity of powder and balls, would batter down the\nwalls of the strongest town in his dominions in a few hours, or destroy\nthe whole metropolis, if ever it should pretend to dispute his absolute\ncommands.” This I humbly offered to his majesty, as a small tribute of\nacknowledgment, in turn for so many marks that I had received, of his\nroyal favour and protection.\n\nThe king was struck with horror at the description I had given of those\nterrible engines, and the proposal I had made. “He was amazed, how so\nimpotent and grovelling an insect as I” (these were his expressions)\n“could entertain such inhuman ideas, and in so familiar a manner, as to\nappear wholly unmoved at all the scenes of blood and desolation which I\nhad painted as the common effects of those destructive machines;\nwhereof,” he said, “some evil genius, enemy to mankind, must have been\nthe first contriver. As for himself, he protested, that although few\nthings delighted him so much as new discoveries in art or in nature,\nyet he would rather lose half his kingdom, than be privy to such a\nsecret; which he commanded me, as I valued any life, never to mention\nany more.”\n\nA strange effect of narrow principles and views! that a prince\npossessed of every quality which procures veneration, love, and esteem;\nof strong parts, great wisdom, and profound learning, endowed with\nadmirable talents, and almost adored by his subjects, should, from a\nnice, unnecessary scruple, whereof in Europe we can have no conception,\nlet slip an opportunity put into his hands that would have made him\nabsolute master of the lives, the liberties, and the fortunes of his\npeople! Neither do I say this, with the least intention to detract from\nthe many virtues of that excellent king, whose character, I am\nsensible, will, on this account, be very much lessened in the opinion\nof an English reader: but I take this defect among them to have risen\nfrom their ignorance, by not having hitherto reduced politics into a\nscience, as the more acute wits of Europe have done. For, I remember\nvery well, in a discourse one day with the king, when I happened to\nsay, “there were several thousand books among us written upon the art\nof government,” it gave him (directly contrary to my intention) a very\nmean opinion of our understandings. He professed both to abominate and\ndespise all mystery, refinement, and intrigue, either in a prince or a\nminister. He could not tell what I meant by secrets of state, where an\nenemy, or some rival nation, were not in the case. He confined the\nknowledge of governing within very narrow bounds, to common sense and\nreason, to justice and lenity, to the speedy determination of civil and\ncriminal causes; with some other obvious topics, which are not worth\nconsidering. And he gave it for his opinion, “that whoever could make\ntwo ears of corn, or two blades of grass, to grow upon a spot of ground\nwhere only one grew before, would deserve better of mankind, and do\nmore essential service to his country, than the whole race of\npoliticians put together.”\n\nThe learning of this people is very defective, consisting only in\nmorality, history, poetry, and mathematics, wherein they must be\nallowed to excel. But the last of these is wholly applied to what may\nbe useful in life, to the improvement of agriculture, and all\nmechanical arts; so that among us, it would be little esteemed. And as\nto ideas, entities, abstractions, and transcendentals, I could never\ndrive the least conception into their heads.\n\nNo law in that country must exceed in words the number of letters in\ntheir alphabet, which consists only of two and twenty. But indeed few\nof them extend even to that length. They are expressed in the most\nplain and simple terms, wherein those people are not mercurial enough\nto discover above one interpretation: and to write a comment upon any\nlaw, is a capital crime. As to the decision of civil causes, or\nproceedings against criminals, their precedents are so few, that they\nhave little reason to boast of any extraordinary skill in either.\n\nThey have had the art of printing, as well as the Chinese, time out of\nmind: but their libraries are not very large; for that of the king,\nwhich is reckoned the largest, does not amount to above a thousand\nvolumes, placed in a gallery of twelve hundred feet long, whence I had\nliberty to borrow what books I pleased. The queen’s joiner had\ncontrived in one of Glumdalclitch’s rooms, a kind of wooden machine\nfive-and-twenty feet high, formed like a standing ladder; the steps\nwere each fifty feet long. It was indeed a moveable pair of stairs, the\nlowest end placed at ten feet distance from the wall of the chamber.\nThe book I had a mind to read, was put up leaning against the wall: I\nfirst mounted to the upper step of the ladder, and turning my face\ntowards the book, began at the top of the page, and so walking to the\nright and left about eight or ten paces, according to the length of the\nlines, till I had gotten a little below the level of my eyes, and then\ndescending gradually till I came to the bottom: after which I mounted\nagain, and began the other page in the same manner, and so turned over\nthe leaf, which I could easily do with both my hands, for it was as\nthick and stiff as a pasteboard, and in the largest folios not above\neighteen or twenty feet long.\n\nTheir style is clear, masculine, and smooth, but not florid; for they\navoid nothing more than multiplying unnecessary words, or using various\nexpressions. I have perused many of their books, especially those in\nhistory and morality. Among the rest, I was much diverted with a little\nold treatise, which always lay in Glumdalclitch’s bed chamber, and\nbelonged to her governess, a grave elderly gentlewoman, who dealt in\nwritings of morality and devotion. The book treats of the weakness of\nhumankind, and is in little esteem, except among the women and the\nvulgar. However, I was curious to see what an author of that country\ncould say upon such a subject. This writer went through all the usual\ntopics of European moralists, showing “how diminutive, contemptible,\nand helpless an animal was man in his own nature; how unable to defend\nhimself from inclemencies of the air, or the fury of wild beasts: how\nmuch he was excelled by one creature in strength, by another in speed,\nby a third in foresight, by a fourth in industry.” He added, “that\nnature was degenerated in these latter declining ages of the world, and\ncould now produce only small abortive births, in comparison of those in\nancient times.” He said “it was very reasonable to think, not only that\nthe species of men were originally much larger, but also that there\nmust have been giants in former ages; which, as it is asserted by\nhistory and tradition, so it has been confirmed by huge bones and\nskulls, casually dug up in several parts of the kingdom, far exceeding\nthe common dwindled race of men in our days.” He argued, “that the very\nlaws of nature absolutely required we should have been made, in the\nbeginning of a size more large and robust; not so liable to destruction\nfrom every little accident, of a tile falling from a house, or a stone\ncast from the hand of a boy, or being drowned in a little brook.” From\nthis way of reasoning, the author drew several moral applications,\nuseful in the conduct of life, but needless here to repeat. For my own\npart, I could not avoid reflecting how universally this talent was\nspread, of drawing lectures in morality, or indeed rather matter of\ndiscontent and repining, from the quarrels we raise with nature. And I\nbelieve, upon a strict inquiry, those quarrels might be shown as\nill-grounded among us as they are among that people.\n\nAs to their military affairs, they boast that the king’s army consists\nof a hundred and seventy-six thousand foot, and thirty-two thousand\nhorse: if that may be called an army, which is made up of tradesmen in\nthe several cities, and farmers in the country, whose commanders are\nonly the nobility and gentry, without pay or reward. They are indeed\nperfect enough in their exercises, and under very good discipline,\nwherein I saw no great merit; for how should it be otherwise, where\nevery farmer is under the command of his own landlord, and every\ncitizen under that of the principal men in his own city, chosen after\nthe manner of Venice, by ballot?\n\nI have often seen the militia of Lorbrulgrud drawn out to exercise, in\na great field near the city of twenty miles square. They were in all\nnot above twenty-five thousand foot, and six thousand horse; but it was\nimpossible for me to compute their number, considering the space of\nground they took up. A cavalier, mounted on a large steed, might be\nabout ninety feet high. I have seen this whole body of horse, upon a\nword of command, draw their swords at once, and brandish them in the\nair. Imagination can figure nothing so grand, so surprising, and so\nastonishing! It looked as if ten thousand flashes of lightning were\ndarting at the same time from every quarter of the sky.\n\nI was curious to know how this prince, to whose dominions there is no\naccess from any other country, came to think of armies, or to teach his\npeople the practice of military discipline. But I was soon informed,\nboth by conversation and reading their histories; for, in the course of\nmany ages, they have been troubled with the same disease to which the\nwhole race of mankind is subject; the nobility often contending for\npower, the people for liberty, and the king for absolute dominion. All\nwhich, however happily tempered by the laws of that kingdom, have been\nsometimes violated by each of the three parties, and have more than\nonce occasioned civil wars; the last whereof was happily put an end to\nby this prince’s grandfather, in a general composition; and the\nmilitia, then settled with common consent, has been ever since kept in\nthe strictest duty.\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII.\n\nThe king and queen make a progress to the frontiers. The author attends\nthem. The manner in which he leaves the country very particularly\nrelated. He returns to England.\n\n\nI had always a strong impulse that I should some time recover my\nliberty, though it was impossible to conjecture by what means, or to\nform any project with the least hope of succeeding. The ship in which I\nsailed, was the first ever known to be driven within sight of that\ncoast, and the king had given strict orders, that if at any time\nanother appeared, it should be taken ashore, and with all its crew and\npassengers brought in a tumbril to Lorbrulgrud. He was strongly bent to\nget me a woman of my own size, by whom I might propagate the breed: but\nI think I should rather have died than undergone the disgrace of\nleaving a posterity to be kept in cages, like tame canary-birds, and\nperhaps, in time, sold about the kingdom, to persons of quality, for\ncuriosities. I was indeed treated with much kindness: I was the\nfavourite of a great king and queen, and the delight of the whole\ncourt; but it was upon such a foot as ill became the dignity of\nhumankind. I could never forget those domestic pledges I had left\nbehind me. I wanted to be among people, with whom I could converse upon\neven terms, and walk about the streets and fields without being afraid\nof being trod to death like a frog or a young puppy. But my deliverance\ncame sooner than I expected, and in a manner not very common; the whole\nstory and circumstances of which I shall faithfully relate.\n\nI had now been two years in this country; and about the beginning of\nthe third, Glumdalclitch and I attended the king and queen, in a\nprogress to the south coast of the kingdom. I was carried, as usual, in\nmy travelling-box, which as I have already described, was a very\nconvenient closet, of twelve feet wide. And I had ordered a hammock to\nbe fixed, by silken ropes from the four corners at the top, to break\nthe jolts, when a servant carried me before him on horseback, as I\nsometimes desired; and would often sleep in my hammock, while we were\nupon the road. On the roof of my closet, not directly over the middle\nof the hammock, I ordered the joiner to cut out a hole of a foot\nsquare, to give me air in hot weather, as I slept; which hole I shut at\npleasure with a board that drew backward and forward through a groove.\n\nWhen we came to our journey’s end, the king thought proper to pass a\nfew days at a palace he has near Flanflasnic, a city within eighteen\nEnglish miles of the seaside. Glumdalclitch and I were much fatigued: I\nhad gotten a small cold, but the poor girl was so ill as to be confined\nto her chamber. I longed to see the ocean, which must be the only scene\nof my escape, if ever it should happen. I pretended to be worse than I\nreally was, and desired leave to take the fresh air of the sea, with a\npage, whom I was very fond of, and who had sometimes been trusted with\nme. I shall never forget with what unwillingness Glumdalclitch\nconsented, nor the strict charge she gave the page to be careful of me,\nbursting at the same time into a flood of tears, as if she had some\nforboding of what was to happen. The boy took me out in my box, about\nhalf an hour’s walk from the palace, towards the rocks on the\nsea-shore. I ordered him to set me down, and lifting up one of my\nsashes, cast many a wistful melancholy look towards the sea. I found\nmyself not very well, and told the page that I had a mind to take a nap\nin my hammock, which I hoped would do me good. I got in, and the boy\nshut the window close down, to keep out the cold. I soon fell asleep,\nand all I can conjecture is, while I slept, the page, thinking no\ndanger could happen, went among the rocks to look for birds’ eggs,\nhaving before observed him from my window searching about, and picking\nup one or two in the clefts. Be that as it will, I found myself\nsuddenly awaked with a violent pull upon the ring, which was fastened\nat the top of my box for the conveniency of carriage. I felt my box\nraised very high in the air, and then borne forward with prodigious\nspeed. The first jolt had like to have shaken me out of my hammock, but\nafterward the motion was easy enough. I called out several times, as\nloud as I could raise my voice, but all to no purpose. I looked towards\nmy windows, and could see nothing but the clouds and sky. I heard a\nnoise just over my head, like the clapping of wings, and then began to\nperceive the woful condition I was in; that some eagle had got the ring\nof my box in his beak, with an intent to let it fall on a rock, like a\ntortoise in a shell, and then pick out my body, and devour it: for the\nsagacity and smell of this bird enables him to discover his quarry at a\ngreat distance, though better concealed than I could be within a\ntwo-inch board.\n\nIn a little time, I observed the noise and flutter of wings to increase\nvery fast, and my box was tossed up and down, like a sign in a windy\nday. I heard several bangs or buffets, as I thought given to the eagle\n(for such I am certain it must have been that held the ring of my box\nin his beak), and then, all on a sudden, felt myself falling\nperpendicularly down, for above a minute, but with such incredible\nswiftness, that I almost lost my breath. My fall was stopped by a\nterrible squash, that sounded louder to my ears than the cataract of\nNiagara; after which, I was quite in the dark for another minute, and\nthen my box began to rise so high, that I could see light from the tops\nof the windows. I now perceived I was fallen into the sea. My box, by\nthe weight of my body, the goods that were in, and the broad plates of\niron fixed for strength at the four corners of the top and bottom,\nfloated about five feet deep in water. I did then, and do now suppose,\nthat the eagle which flew away with my box was pursued by two or three\nothers, and forced to let me drop, while he defended himself against\nthe rest, who hoped to share in the prey. The plates of iron fastened\nat the bottom of the box (for those were the strongest) preserved the\nbalance while it fell, and hindered it from being broken on the surface\nof the water. Every joint of it was well grooved; and the door did not\nmove on hinges, but up and down like a sash, which kept my closet so\ntight that very little water came in. I got with much difficulty out of\nmy hammock, having first ventured to draw back the slip-board on the\nroof already mentioned, contrived on purpose to let in air, for want of\nwhich I found myself almost stifled.\n\nHow often did I then wish myself with my dear Glumdalclitch, from whom\none single hour had so far divided me! And I may say with truth, that\nin the midst of my own misfortunes I could not forbear lamenting my\npoor nurse, the grief she would suffer for my loss, the displeasure of\nthe queen, and the ruin of her fortune. Perhaps many travellers have\nnot been under greater difficulties and distress than I was at this\njuncture, expecting every moment to see my box dashed to pieces, or at\nleast overset by the first violent blast, or rising wave. A breach in\none single pane of glass would have been immediate death: nor could any\nthing have preserved the windows, but the strong lattice wires placed\non the outside, against accidents in travelling. I saw the water ooze\nin at several crannies, although the leaks were not considerable, and I\nendeavoured to stop them as well as I could. I was not able to lift up\nthe roof of my closet, which otherwise I certainly should have done,\nand sat on the top of it; where I might at least preserve myself some\nhours longer, than by being shut up (as I may call it) in the hold. Or\nif I escaped these dangers for a day or two, what could I expect but a\nmiserable death of cold and hunger? I was four hours under these\ncircumstances, expecting, and indeed wishing, every moment to be my\nlast.\n\nI have already told the reader that there were two strong staples fixed\nupon that side of my box which had no window, and into which the\nservant, who used to carry me on horseback, would put a leathern belt,\nand buckle it about his waist. Being in this disconsolate state, I\nheard, or at least thought I heard, some kind of grating noise on that\nside of my box where the staples were fixed; and soon after I began to\nfancy that the box was pulled or towed along the sea; for I now and\nthen felt a sort of tugging, which made the waves rise near the tops of\nmy windows, leaving me almost in the dark. This gave me some faint\nhopes of relief, although I was not able to imagine how it could be\nbrought about. I ventured to unscrew one of my chairs, which were\nalways fastened to the floor; and having made a hard shift to screw it\ndown again, directly under the slipping-board that I had lately opened,\nI mounted on the chair, and putting my mouth as near as I could to the\nhole, I called for help in a loud voice, and in all the languages I\nunderstood. I then fastened my handkerchief to a stick I usually\ncarried, and thrusting it up the hole, waved it several times in the\nair, that if any boat or ship were near, the seamen might conjecture\nsome unhappy mortal to be shut up in the box.\n\nI found no effect from all I could do, but plainly perceived my closet\nto be moved along; and in the space of an hour, or better, that side of\nthe box where the staples were, and had no windows, struck against\nsomething that was hard. I apprehended it to be a rock, and found\nmyself tossed more than ever. I plainly heard a noise upon the cover of\nmy closet, like that of a cable, and the grating of it as it passed\nthrough the ring. I then found myself hoisted up, by degrees, at least\nthree feet higher than I was before. Whereupon I again thrust up my\nstick and handkerchief, calling for help till I was almost hoarse. In\nreturn to which, I heard a great shout repeated three times, giving me\nsuch transports of joy as are not to be conceived but by those who feel\nthem. I now heard a trampling over my head, and somebody calling\nthrough the hole with a loud voice, in the English tongue, “If there be\nany body below, let them speak.” I answered, “I was an Englishman,\ndrawn by ill fortune into the greatest calamity that ever any creature\nunderwent, and begged, by all that was moving, to be delivered out of\nthe dungeon I was in.” The voice replied, “I was safe, for my box was\nfastened to their ship; and the carpenter should immediately come and\nsaw a hole in the cover, large enough to pull me out.” I answered,\n“that was needless, and would take up too much time; for there was no\nmore to be done, but let one of the crew put his finger into the ring,\nand take the box out of the sea into the ship, and so into the\ncaptain’s cabin.” Some of them, upon hearing me talk so wildly, thought\nI was mad: others laughed; for indeed it never came into my head, that\nI was now got among people of my own stature and strength. The\ncarpenter came, and in a few minutes sawed a passage about four feet\nsquare, then let down a small ladder, upon which I mounted, and thence\nwas taken into the ship in a very weak condition.\n\nThe sailors were all in amazement, and asked me a thousand questions,\nwhich I had no inclination to answer. I was equally confounded at the\nsight of so many pigmies, for such I took them to be, after having so\nlong accustomed my eyes to the monstrous objects I had left. But the\ncaptain, Mr. Thomas Wilcocks, an honest worthy Shropshire man,\nobserving I was ready to faint, took me into his cabin, gave me a\ncordial to comfort me, and made me turn in upon his own bed, advising\nme to take a little rest, of which I had great need. Before I went to\nsleep, I gave him to understand that I had some valuable furniture in\nmy box, too good to be lost: a fine hammock, a handsome field-bed, two\nchairs, a table, and a cabinet; that my closet was hung on all sides,\nor rather quilted, with silk and cotton; that if he would let one of\nthe crew bring my closet into his cabin, I would open it there before\nhim, and show him my goods. The captain, hearing me utter these\nabsurdities, concluded I was raving; however (I suppose to pacify me)\nhe promised to give order as I desired, and going upon deck, sent some\nof his men down into my closet, whence (as I afterwards found) they\ndrew up all my goods, and stripped off the quilting; but the chairs,\ncabinet, and bedstead, being screwed to the floor, were much damaged by\nthe ignorance of the seamen, who tore them up by force. Then they\nknocked off some of the boards for the use of the ship, and when they\nhad got all they had a mind for, let the hull drop into the sea, which\nby reason of many breaches made in the bottom and sides, sunk to\nrights. And, indeed, I was glad not to have been a spectator of the\nhavoc they made, because I am confident it would have sensibly touched\nme, by bringing former passages into my mind, which I would rather have\nforgot.\n\nI slept some hours, but perpetually disturbed with dreams of the place\nI had left, and the dangers I had escaped. However, upon waking, I\nfound myself much recovered. It was now about eight o’clock at night,\nand the captain ordered supper immediately, thinking I had already\nfasted too long. He entertained me with great kindness, observing me\nnot to look wildly, or talk inconsistently: and, when we were left\nalone, desired I would give him a relation of my travels, and by what\naccident I came to be set adrift, in that monstrous wooden chest. He\nsaid “that about twelve o’clock at noon, as he was looking through his\nglass, he spied it at a distance, and thought it was a sail, which he\nhad a mind to make, being not much out of his course, in hopes of\nbuying some biscuit, his own beginning to fall short. That upon coming\nnearer, and finding his error, he sent out his long-boat to discover\nwhat it was; that his men came back in a fright, swearing they had seen\na swimming house. That he laughed at their folly, and went himself in\nthe boat, ordering his men to take a strong cable along with them. That\nthe weather being calm, he rowed round me several times, observed my\nwindows and wire lattices that defended them. That he discovered two\nstaples upon one side, which was all of boards, without any passage for\nlight. He then commanded his men to row up to that side, and fastening\na cable to one of the staples, ordered them to tow my chest, as they\ncalled it, toward the ship. When it was there, he gave directions to\nfasten another cable to the ring fixed in the cover, and to raise up my\nchest with pulleys, which all the sailors were not able to do above two\nor three feet.” He said, “they saw my stick and handkerchief thrust out\nof the hole, and concluded that some unhappy man must be shut up in the\ncavity.” I asked, “whether he or the crew had seen any prodigious birds\nin the air, about the time he first discovered me.” To which he\nanswered, “that discoursing this matter with the sailors while I was\nasleep, one of them said, he had observed three eagles flying towards\nthe north, but remarked nothing of their being larger than the usual\nsize:” which I suppose must be imputed to the great height they were\nat; and he could not guess the reason of my question. I then asked the\ncaptain, “how far he reckoned we might be from land?” He said, “by the\nbest computation he could make, we were at least a hundred leagues.” I\nassured him, “that he must be mistaken by almost half, for I had not\nleft the country whence I came above two hours before I dropped into\nthe sea.” Whereupon he began again to think that my brain was\ndisturbed, of which he gave me a hint, and advised me to go to bed in a\ncabin he had provided. I assured him, “I was well refreshed with his\ngood entertainment and company, and as much in my senses as ever I was\nin my life.” He then grew serious, and desired to ask me freely,\n“whether I were not troubled in my mind by the consciousness of some\nenormous crime, for which I was punished, at the command of some\nprince, by exposing me in that chest; as great criminals, in other\ncountries, have been forced to sea in a leaky vessel, without\nprovisions: for although he should be sorry to have taken so ill a man\ninto his ship, yet he would engage his word to set me safe ashore, in\nthe first port where we arrived.” He added, “that his suspicions were\nmuch increased by some very absurd speeches I had delivered at first to\nhis sailors, and afterwards to himself, in relation to my closet or\nchest, as well as by my odd looks and behaviour while I was at supper.”\n\nI begged his patience to hear me tell my story, which I faithfully did,\nfrom the last time I left England, to the moment he first discovered\nme. And, as truth always forces its way into rational minds, so this\nhonest worthy gentleman, who had some tincture of learning, and very\ngood sense, was immediately convinced of my candour and veracity. But\nfurther to confirm all I had said, I entreated him to give order that\nmy cabinet should be brought, of which I had the key in my pocket; for\nhe had already informed me how the seamen disposed of my closet. I\nopened it in his own presence, and showed him the small collection of\nrarities I made in the country from which I had been so strangely\ndelivered. There was the comb I had contrived out of the stumps of the\nking’s beard, and another of the same materials, but fixed into a\nparing of her majesty’s thumb-nail, which served for the back. There\nwas a collection of needles and pins, from a foot to half a yard long;\nfour wasp stings, like joiner’s tacks; some combings of the queen’s\nhair; a gold ring, which one day she made me a present of, in a most\nobliging manner, taking it from her little finger, and throwing it over\nmy head like a collar. I desired the captain would please to accept\nthis ring in return for his civilities; which he absolutely refused. I\nshowed him a corn that I had cut off with my own hand, from a maid of\nhonour’s toe; it was about the bigness of Kentish pippin, and grown so\nhard, that when I returned to England, I got it hollowed into a cup,\nand set in silver. Lastly, I desired him to see the breeches I had then\non, which were made of a mouse’s skin.\n\nI could force nothing on him but a footman’s tooth, which I observed\nhim to examine with great curiosity, and found he had a fancy for it.\nHe received it with abundance of thanks, more than such a trifle could\ndeserve. It was drawn by an unskilful surgeon, in a mistake, from one\nof Glumdalclitch’s men, who was afflicted with the tooth-ache, but it\nwas as sound as any in his head. I got it cleaned, and put it into my\ncabinet. It was about a foot long, and four inches in diameter.\n\nThe captain was very well satisfied with this plain relation I had\ngiven him, and said, “he hoped, when we returned to England, I would\noblige the world by putting it on paper, and making it public.” My\nanswer was, “that we were overstocked with books of travels: that\nnothing could now pass which was not extraordinary; wherein I doubted\nsome authors less consulted truth, than their own vanity, or interest,\nor the diversion of ignorant readers; that my story could contain\nlittle beside common events, without those ornamental descriptions of\nstrange plants, trees, birds, and other animals; or of the barbarous\ncustoms and idolatry of savage people, with which most writers abound.\nHowever, I thanked him for his good opinion, and promised to take the\nmatter into my thoughts.”\n\nHe said “he wondered at one thing very much, which was, to hear me\nspeak so loud;” asking me “whether the king or queen of that country\nwere thick of hearing?” I told him, “it was what I had been used to for\nabove two years past, and that I admired as much at the voices of him\nand his men, who seemed to me only to whisper, and yet I could hear\nthem well enough. But, when I spoke in that country, it was like a man\ntalking in the streets, to another looking out from the top of a\nsteeple, unless when I was placed on a table, or held in any person’s\nhand.” I told him, “I had likewise observed another thing, that, when I\nfirst got into the ship, and the sailors stood all about me, I thought\nthey were the most little contemptible creatures I had ever beheld.”\nFor indeed, while I was in that prince’s country, I could never endure\nto look in a glass, after my eyes had been accustomed to such\nprodigious objects, because the comparison gave me so despicable a\nconceit of myself. The captain said, “that while we were at supper, he\nobserved me to look at every thing with a sort of wonder, and that I\noften seemed hardly able to contain my laughter, which he knew not well\nhow to take, but imputed it to some disorder in my brain.” I answered,\n“it was very true; and I wondered how I could forbear, when I saw his\ndishes of the size of a silver three-pence, a leg of pork hardly a\nmouthful, a cup not so big as a nut-shell;” and so I went on,\ndescribing the rest of his household-stuff and provisions, after the\nsame manner. For, although the queen had ordered a little equipage of\nall things necessary for me, while I was in her service, yet my ideas\nwere wholly taken up with what I saw on every side of me, and I winked\nat my own littleness, as people do at their own faults. The captain\nunderstood my raillery very well, and merrily replied with the old\nEnglish proverb, “that he doubted my eyes were bigger than my belly,\nfor he did not observe my stomach so good, although I had fasted all\nday;” and, continuing in his mirth, protested “he would have gladly\ngiven a hundred pounds, to have seen my closet in the eagle’s bill, and\nafterwards in its fall from so great a height into the sea; which would\ncertainly have been a most astonishing object, worthy to have the\ndescription of it transmitted to future ages:” and the comparison of\nPhaeton was so obvious, that he could not forbear applying it, although\nI did not much admire the conceit.\n\nThe captain having been at Tonquin, was, in his return to England,\ndriven north-eastward to the latitude of 44 degrees, and longitude of\n143. But meeting a trade-wind two days after I came on board him, we\nsailed southward a long time, and coasting New Holland, kept our course\nwest-south-west, and then south-south-west, till we doubled the Cape of\nGood Hope. Our voyage was very prosperous, but I shall not trouble the\nreader with a journal of it. The captain called in at one or two ports,\nand sent in his long-boat for provisions and fresh water; but I never\nwent out of the ship till we came into the Downs, which was on the\nthird day of June, 1706, about nine months after my escape. I offered\nto leave my goods in security for payment of my freight: but the\ncaptain protested he would not receive one farthing. We took a kind\nleave of each other, and I made him promise he would come to see me at\nmy house in Redriff. I hired a horse and guide for five shillings,\nwhich I borrowed of the captain.\n\nAs I was on the road, observing the littleness of the houses, the\ntrees, the cattle, and the people, I began to think myself in Lilliput.\nI was afraid of trampling on every traveller I met, and often called\naloud to have them stand out of the way, so that I had like to have\ngotten one or two broken heads for my impertinence.\n\nWhen I came to my own house, for which I was forced to inquire, one of\nthe servants opening the door, I bent down to go in, (like a goose\nunder a gate,) for fear of striking my head. My wife ran out to embrace\nme, but I stooped lower than her knees, thinking she could otherwise\nnever be able to reach my mouth. My daughter kneeled to ask my\nblessing, but I could not see her till she arose, having been so long\nused to stand with my head and eyes erect to above sixty feet; and then\nI went to take her up with one hand by the waist. I looked down upon\nthe servants, and one or two friends who were in the house, as if they\nhad been pigmies and I a giant. I told my wife, “she had been too\nthrifty, for I found she had starved herself and her daughter to\nnothing.” In short, I behaved myself so unaccountably, that they were\nall of the captain’s opinion when he first saw me, and concluded I had\nlost my wits. This I mention as an instance of the great power of habit\nand prejudice.\n\nIn a little time, I and my family and friends came to a right\nunderstanding: but my wife protested “I should never go to sea any\nmore;” although my evil destiny so ordered, that she had not power to\nhinder me, as the reader may know hereafter. In the mean time, I here\nconclude the second part of my unfortunate voyages.\n\n\nPART III. A VOYAGE TO LAPUTA, BALNIBARBI, GLUBBDUBDRIB, LUGGNAGG AND\nJAPAN.\n\n\nCHAPTER I.\n\nThe author sets out on his third voyage. Is taken by pirates. The\nmalice of a Dutchman. His arrival at an island. He is received into\nLaputa.\n\n\nI had not been at home above ten days, when Captain William Robinson, a\nCornish man, commander of the Hopewell, a stout ship of three hundred\ntons, came to my house. I had formerly been surgeon of another ship\nwhere he was master, and a fourth part owner, in a voyage to the\nLevant. He had always treated me more like a brother, than an inferior\nofficer; and, hearing of my arrival, made me a visit, as I apprehended\nonly out of friendship, for nothing passed more than what is usual\nafter long absences. But repeating his visits often, expressing his joy\nto find me in good health, asking, “whether I were now settled for\nlife?” adding, “that he intended a voyage to the East Indies in two\nmonths,” at last he plainly invited me, though with some apologies, to\nbe surgeon of the ship; “that I should have another surgeon under me,\nbeside our two mates; that my salary should be double to the usual pay;\nand that having experienced my knowledge in sea-affairs to be at least\nequal to his, he would enter into any engagement to follow my advice,\nas much as if I had shared in the command.”\n\nHe said so many other obliging things, and I knew him to be so honest a\nman, that I could not reject this proposal; the thirst I had of seeing\nthe world, notwithstanding my past misfortunes, continuing as violent\nas ever. The only difficulty that remained, was to persuade my wife,\nwhose consent however I at last obtained, by the prospect of advantage\nshe proposed to her children.\n\nWe set out the 5th day of August, 1706, and arrived at Fort St. George\nthe 11th of April, 1707. We staid there three weeks to refresh our\ncrew, many of whom were sick. From thence we went to Tonquin, where the\ncaptain resolved to continue some time, because many of the goods he\nintended to buy were not ready, nor could he expect to be dispatched in\nseveral months. Therefore, in hopes to defray some of the charges he\nmust be at, he bought a sloop, loaded it with several sorts of goods,\nwherewith the Tonquinese usually trade to the neighbouring islands, and\nputting fourteen men on board, whereof three were of the country, he\nappointed me master of the sloop, and gave me power to traffic, while\nhe transacted his affairs at Tonquin.\n\nWe had not sailed above three days, when a great storm arising, we were\ndriven five days to the north-north-east, and then to the east: after\nwhich we had fair weather, but still with a pretty strong gale from the\nwest. Upon the tenth day we were chased by two pirates, who soon\novertook us; for my sloop was so deep laden, that she sailed very slow,\nneither were we in a condition to defend ourselves.\n\nWe were boarded about the same time by both the pirates, who entered\nfuriously at the head of their men; but finding us all prostrate upon\nour faces (for so I gave order), they pinioned us with strong ropes,\nand setting guard upon us, went to search the sloop.\n\nI observed among them a Dutchman, who seemed to be of some authority,\nthough he was not commander of either ship. He knew us by our\ncountenances to be Englishmen, and jabbering to us in his own language,\nswore we should be tied back to back and thrown into the sea. I spoke\nDutch tolerably well; I told him who we were, and begged him, in\nconsideration of our being Christians and Protestants, of neighbouring\ncountries in strict alliance, that he would move the captains to take\nsome pity on us. This inflamed his rage; he repeated his threatenings,\nand turning to his companions, spoke with great vehemence in the\nJapanese language, as I suppose, often using the word _Christianos_.\n\nThe largest of the two pirate ships was commanded by a Japanese\ncaptain, who spoke a little Dutch, but very imperfectly. He came up to\nme, and after several questions, which I answered in great humility, he\nsaid, “we should not die.” I made the captain a very low bow, and then,\nturning to the Dutchman, said, “I was sorry to find more mercy in a\nheathen, than in a brother christian.” But I had soon reason to repent\nthose foolish words: for that malicious reprobate, having often\nendeavoured in vain to persuade both the captains that I might be\nthrown into the sea (which they would not yield to, after the promise\nmade me that I should not die), however, prevailed so far, as to have a\npunishment inflicted on me, worse, in all human appearance, than death\nitself. My men were sent by an equal division into both the pirate\nships, and my sloop new manned. As to myself, it was determined that I\nshould be set adrift in a small canoe, with paddles and a sail, and\nfour days’ provisions; which last, the Japanese captain was so kind to\ndouble out of his own stores, and would permit no man to search me. I\ngot down into the canoe, while the Dutchman, standing upon the deck,\nloaded me with all the curses and injurious terms his language could\nafford.\n\nAbout an hour before we saw the pirates I had taken an observation, and\nfound we were in the latitude of 46 N. and longitude of 183. When I was\nat some distance from the pirates, I discovered, by my pocket-glass,\nseveral islands to the south-east. I set up my sail, the wind being\nfair, with a design to reach the nearest of those islands, which I made\na shift to do, in about three hours. It was all rocky: however I got\nmany birds’ eggs; and, striking fire, I kindled some heath and dry\nsea-weed, by which I roasted my eggs. I ate no other supper, being\nresolved to spare my provisions as much as I could. I passed the night\nunder the shelter of a rock, strewing some heath under me, and slept\npretty well.\n\nThe next day I sailed to another island, and thence to a third and\nfourth, sometimes using my sail, and sometimes my paddles. But, not to\ntrouble the reader with a particular account of my distresses, let it\nsuffice, that on the fifth day I arrived at the last island in my\nsight, which lay south-south-east to the former.\n\nThis island was at a greater distance than I expected, and I did not\nreach it in less than five hours. I encompassed it almost round, before\nI could find a convenient place to land in; which was a small creek,\nabout three times the wideness of my canoe. I found the island to be\nall rocky, only a little intermingled with tufts of grass, and\nsweet-smelling herbs. I took out my small provisions and after having\nrefreshed myself, I secured the remainder in a cave, whereof there were\ngreat numbers; I gathered plenty of eggs upon the rocks, and got a\nquantity of dry sea-weed, and parched grass, which I designed to kindle\nthe next day, and roast my eggs as well as I could, for I had about me\nmy flint, steel, match, and burning-glass. I lay all night in the cave\nwhere I had lodged my provisions. My bed was the same dry grass and\nsea-weed which I intended for fuel. I slept very little, for the\ndisquiets of my mind prevailed over my weariness, and kept me awake. I\nconsidered how impossible it was to preserve my life in so desolate a\nplace, and how miserable my end must be: yet found myself so listless\nand desponding, that I had not the heart to rise; and before I could\nget spirits enough to creep out of my cave, the day was far advanced. I\nwalked awhile among the rocks: the sky was perfectly clear, and the sun\nso hot, that I was forced to turn my face from it: when all on a sudden\nit became obscure, as I thought, in a manner very different from what\nhappens by the interposition of a cloud. I turned back, and perceived a\nvast opaque body between me and the sun moving forwards towards the\nisland: it seemed to be about two miles high, and hid the sun six or\nseven minutes; but I did not observe the air to be much colder, or the\nsky more darkened, than if I had stood under the shade of a mountain.\nAs it approached nearer over the place where I was, it appeared to be a\nfirm substance, the bottom flat, smooth, and shining very bright, from\nthe reflection of the sea below. I stood upon a height about two\nhundred yards from the shore, and saw this vast body descending almost\nto a parallel with me, at less than an English mile distance. I took\nout my pocket perspective, and could plainly discover numbers of people\nmoving up and down the sides of it, which appeared to be sloping; but\nwhat those people were doing I was not able to distinguish.\n\nThe natural love of life gave me some inward motion of joy, and I was\nready to entertain a hope that this adventure might, some way or other,\nhelp to deliver me from the desolate place and condition I was in. But\nat the same time the reader can hardly conceive my astonishment, to\nbehold an island in the air, inhabited by men, who were able (as it\nshould seem) to raise or sink, or put it into progressive motion, as\nthey pleased. But not being at that time in a disposition to\nphilosophise upon this phenomenon, I rather chose to observe what\ncourse the island would take, because it seemed for a while to stand\nstill. Yet soon after, it advanced nearer, and I could see the sides of\nit encompassed with several gradations of galleries, and stairs, at\ncertain intervals, to descend from one to the other. In the lowest\ngallery, I beheld some people fishing with long angling rods, and\nothers looking on. I waved my cap (for my hat was long since worn out)\nand my handkerchief toward the island; and upon its nearer approach, I\ncalled and shouted with the utmost strength of my voice; and then\nlooking circumspectly, I beheld a crowd gather to that side which was\nmost in my view. I found by their pointing towards me and to each\nother, that they plainly discovered me, although they made no return to\nmy shouting. But I could see four or five men running in great haste,\nup the stairs, to the top of the island, who then disappeared. I\nhappened rightly to conjecture, that these were sent for orders to some\nperson in authority upon this occasion.\n\nThe number of people increased, and, in less than half an hour, the\nisland was moved and raised in such a manner, that the lowest gallery\nappeared in a parallel of less than a hundred yards distance from the\nheight where I stood. I then put myself in the most supplicating\nposture, and spoke in the humblest accent, but received no answer.\nThose who stood nearest over against me, seemed to be persons of\ndistinction, as I supposed by their habit. They conferred earnestly\nwith each other, looking often upon me. At length one of them called\nout in a clear, polite, smooth dialect, not unlike in sound to the\nItalian: and therefore I returned an answer in that language, hoping at\nleast that the cadence might be more agreeable to his ears. Although\nneither of us understood the other, yet my meaning was easily known,\nfor the people saw the distress I was in.\n\nThey made signs for me to come down from the rock, and go towards the\nshore, which I accordingly did; and the flying island being raised to a\nconvenient height, the verge directly over me, a chain was let down\nfrom the lowest gallery, with a seat fastened to the bottom, to which I\nfixed myself, and was drawn up by pulleys.\n\n\nCHAPTER II.\n\nThe humours and dispositions of the Laputians described. An account of\ntheir learning. Of the king and his court. The author’s reception\nthere. The inhabitants subject to fear and disquietudes. An account of\nthe women.\n\n\nAt my alighting, I was surrounded with a crowd of people, but those who\nstood nearest seemed to be of better quality. They beheld me with all\nthe marks and circumstances of wonder; neither indeed was I much in\ntheir debt, having never till then seen a race of mortals so singular\nin their shapes, habits, and countenances. Their heads were all\nreclined, either to the right, or the left; one of their eyes turned\ninward, and the other directly up to the zenith. Their outward garments\nwere adorned with the figures of suns, moons, and stars; interwoven\nwith those of fiddles, flutes, harps, trumpets, guitars, harpsichords,\nand many other instruments of music, unknown to us in Europe. I\nobserved, here and there, many in the habit of servants, with a blown\nbladder, fastened like a flail to the end of a stick, which they\ncarried in their hands. In each bladder was a small quantity of dried\npeas, or little pebbles, as I was afterwards informed. With these\nbladders, they now and then flapped the mouths and ears of those who\nstood near them, of which practice I could not then conceive the\nmeaning. It seems the minds of these people are so taken up with\nintense speculations, that they neither can speak, nor attend to the\ndiscourses of others, without being roused by some external taction\nupon the organs of speech and hearing; for which reason, those persons\nwho are able to afford it always keep a flapper (the original is\n_climenole_) in their family, as one of their domestics; nor ever walk\nabroad, or make visits, without him. And the business of this officer\nis, when two, three, or more persons are in company, gently to strike\nwith his bladder the mouth of him who is to speak, and the right ear of\nhim or them to whom the speaker addresses himself. This flapper is\nlikewise employed diligently to attend his master in his walks, and\nupon occasion to give him a soft flap on his eyes; because he is always\nso wrapped up in cogitation, that he is in manifest danger of falling\ndown every precipice, and bouncing his head against every post; and in\nthe streets, of justling others, or being justled himself into the\nkennel.\n\nIt was necessary to give the reader this information, without which he\nwould be at the same loss with me to understand the proceedings of\nthese people, as they conducted me up the stairs to the top of the\nisland, and from thence to the royal palace. While we were ascending,\nthey forgot several times what they were about, and left me to myself,\ntill their memories were again roused by their flappers; for they\nappeared altogether unmoved by the sight of my foreign habit and\ncountenance, and by the shouts of the vulgar, whose thoughts and minds\nwere more disengaged.\n\nAt last we entered the palace, and proceeded into the chamber of\npresence, where I saw the king seated on his throne, attended on each\nside by persons of prime quality. Before the throne, was a large table\nfilled with globes and spheres, and mathematical instruments of all\nkinds. His majesty took not the least notice of us, although our\nentrance was not without sufficient noise, by the concourse of all\npersons belonging to the court. But he was then deep in a problem; and\nwe attended at least an hour, before he could solve it. There stood by\nhim, on each side, a young page with flaps in their hands, and when\nthey saw he was at leisure, one of them gently struck his mouth, and\nthe other his right ear; at which he startled like one awaked on the\nsudden, and looking towards me and the company I was in, recollected\nthe occasion of our coming, whereof he had been informed before. He\nspoke some words, whereupon immediately a young man with a flap came up\nto my side, and flapped me gently on the right ear; but I made signs,\nas well as I could, that I had no occasion for such an instrument;\nwhich, as I afterwards found, gave his majesty, and the whole court, a\nvery mean opinion of my understanding. The king, as far as I could\nconjecture, asked me several questions, and I addressed myself to him\nin all the languages I had. When it was found I could neither\nunderstand nor be understood, I was conducted by his order to an\napartment in his palace (this prince being distinguished above all his\npredecessors for his hospitality to strangers), where two servants were\nappointed to attend me. My dinner was brought, and four persons of\nquality, whom I remembered to have seen very near the king’s person,\ndid me the honour to dine with me. We had two courses, of three dishes\neach. In the first course, there was a shoulder of mutton cut into an\nequilateral triangle, a piece of beef into a rhomboides, and a pudding\ninto a cycloid. The second course was two ducks trussed up in the form\nof fiddles; sausages and puddings resembling flutes and hautboys, and a\nbreast of veal in the shape of a harp. The servants cut our bread into\ncones, cylinders, parallelograms, and several other mathematical\nfigures.\n\nWhile we were at dinner, I made bold to ask the names of several things\nin their language, and those noble persons, by the assistance of their\nflappers, delighted to give me answers, hoping to raise my admiration\nof their great abilities if I could be brought to converse with them. I\nwas soon able to call for bread and drink, or whatever else I wanted.\n\nAfter dinner my company withdrew, and a person was sent to me by the\nking’s order, attended by a flapper. He brought with him pen, ink, and\npaper, and three or four books, giving me to understand by signs, that\nhe was sent to teach me the language. We sat together four hours, in\nwhich time I wrote down a great number of words in columns, with the\ntranslations over against them; I likewise made a shift to learn\nseveral short sentences; for my tutor would order one of my servants to\nfetch something, to turn about, to make a bow, to sit, or to stand, or\nwalk, and the like. Then I took down the sentence in writing. He showed\nme also, in one of his books, the figures of the sun, moon, and stars,\nthe zodiac, the tropics, and polar circles, together with the\ndenominations of many planes and solids. He gave me the names and\ndescriptions of all the musical instruments, and the general terms of\nart in playing on each of them. After he had left me, I placed all my\nwords, with their interpretations, in alphabetical order. And thus, in\na few days, by the help of a very faithful memory, I got some insight\ninto their language. The word, which I interpret the flying or floating\nisland, is in the original _Laputa_, whereof I could never learn the\ntrue etymology. _Lap_, in the old obsolete language, signifies high;\nand _untuh_, a governor; from which they say, by corruption, was\nderived _Laputa_, from _Lapuntuh_. But I do not approve of this\nderivation, which seems to be a little strained. I ventured to offer to\nthe learned among them a conjecture of my own, that Laputa was _quasi\nlap outed_; _lap_, signifying properly, the dancing of the sunbeams in\nthe sea, and _outed_, a wing; which, however, I shall not obtrude, but\nsubmit to the judicious reader.\n\nThose to whom the king had entrusted me, observing how ill I was clad,\nordered a tailor to come next morning, and take measure for a suit of\nclothes. This operator did his office after a different manner from\nthose of his trade in Europe. He first took my altitude by a quadrant,\nand then, with a rule and compasses, described the dimensions and\noutlines of my whole body, all which he entered upon paper; and in six\ndays brought my clothes very ill made, and quite out of shape, by\nhappening to mistake a figure in the calculation. But my comfort was,\nthat I observed such accidents very frequent, and little regarded.\n\nDuring my confinement for want of clothes, and by an indisposition that\nheld me some days longer, I much enlarged my dictionary; and when I\nwent next to court, was able to understand many things the king spoke,\nand to return him some kind of answers. His majesty had given orders,\nthat the island should move north-east and by east, to the vertical\npoint over Lagado, the metropolis of the whole kingdom below, upon the\nfirm earth. It was about ninety leagues distant, and our voyage lasted\nfour days and a half. I was not in the least sensible of the\nprogressive motion made in the air by the island. On the second\nmorning, about eleven o’clock, the king himself in person, attended by\nhis nobility, courtiers, and officers, having prepared all their\nmusical instruments, played on them for three hours without\nintermission, so that I was quite stunned with the noise; neither could\nI possibly guess the meaning, till my tutor informed me. He said that,\nthe people of their island had their ears adapted to hear “the music of\nthe spheres, which always played at certain periods, and the court was\nnow prepared to bear their part, in whatever instrument they most\nexcelled.”\n\nIn our journey towards Lagado, the capital city, his majesty ordered\nthat the island should stop over certain towns and villages, from\nwhence he might receive the petitions of his subjects. And to this\npurpose, several packthreads were let down, with small weights at the\nbottom. On these packthreads the people strung their petitions, which\nmounted up directly, like the scraps of paper fastened by schoolboys at\nthe end of the string that holds their kite. Sometimes we received wine\nand victuals from below, which were drawn up by pulleys.\n\nThe knowledge I had in mathematics gave me great assistance in\nacquiring their phraseology, which depended much upon that science, and\nmusic; and in the latter I was not unskilled. Their ideas are\nperpetually conversant in lines and figures. If they would, for\nexample, praise the beauty of a woman, or any other animal, they\ndescribe it by rhombs, circles, parallelograms, ellipses, and other\ngeometrical terms, or by words of art drawn from music, needless here\nto repeat. I observed in the king’s kitchen all sorts of mathematical\nand musical instruments, after the figures of which they cut up the\njoints that were served to his majesty’s table.\n\nTheir houses are very ill built, the walls bevel, without one right\nangle in any apartment; and this defect arises from the contempt they\nbear to practical geometry, which they despise as vulgar and mechanic;\nthose instructions they give being too refined for the intellects of\ntheir workmen, which occasions perpetual mistakes. And although they\nare dexterous enough upon a piece of paper, in the management of the\nrule, the pencil, and the divider, yet in the common actions and\nbehaviour of life, I have not seen a more clumsy, awkward, and unhandy\npeople, nor so slow and perplexed in their conceptions upon all other\nsubjects, except those of mathematics and music. They are very bad\nreasoners, and vehemently given to opposition, unless when they happen\nto be of the right opinion, which is seldom their case. Imagination,\nfancy, and invention, they are wholly strangers to, nor have any words\nin their language, by which those ideas can be expressed; the whole\ncompass of their thoughts and mind being shut up within the two\nforementioned sciences.\n\nMost of them, and especially those who deal in the astronomical part,\nhave great faith in judicial astrology, although they are ashamed to\nown it publicly. But what I chiefly admired, and thought altogether\nunaccountable, was the strong disposition I observed in them towards\nnews and politics, perpetually inquiring into public affairs, giving\ntheir judgments in matters of state, and passionately disputing every\ninch of a party opinion. I have indeed observed the same disposition\namong most of the mathematicians I have known in Europe, although I\ncould never discover the least analogy between the two sciences; unless\nthose people suppose, that because the smallest circle has as many\ndegrees as the largest, therefore the regulation and management of the\nworld require no more abilities than the handling and turning of a\nglobe; but I rather take this quality to spring from a very common\ninfirmity of human nature, inclining us to be most curious and\nconceited in matters where we have least concern, and for which we are\nleast adapted by study or nature.\n\nThese people are under continual disquietudes, never enjoying a\nminute’s peace of mind; and their disturbances proceed from causes\nwhich very little affect the rest of mortals. Their apprehensions arise\nfrom several changes they dread in the celestial bodies: for instance,\nthat the earth, by the continual approaches of the sun towards it,\nmust, in course of time, be absorbed, or swallowed up; that the face of\nthe sun, will, by degrees, be encrusted with its own effluvia, and give\nno more light to the world; that the earth very narrowly escaped a\nbrush from the tail of the last comet, which would have infallibly\nreduced it to ashes; and that the next, which they have calculated for\none-and-thirty years hence, will probably destroy us. For if, in its\nperihelion, it should approach within a certain degree of the sun (as\nby their calculations they have reason to dread) it will receive a\ndegree of heat ten thousand times more intense than that of red hot\nglowing iron, and in its absence from the sun, carry a blazing tail ten\nhundred thousand and fourteen miles long, through which, if the earth\nshould pass at the distance of one hundred thousand miles from the\nnucleus, or main body of the comet, it must in its passage be set on\nfire, and reduced to ashes: that the sun, daily spending its rays\nwithout any nutriment to supply them, will at last be wholly consumed\nand annihilated; which must be attended with the destruction of this\nearth, and of all the planets that receive their light from it.\n\nThey are so perpetually alarmed with the apprehensions of these, and\nthe like impending dangers, that they can neither sleep quietly in\ntheir beds, nor have any relish for the common pleasures and amusements\nof life. When they meet an acquaintance in the morning, the first\nquestion is about the sun’s health, how he looked at his setting and\nrising, and what hopes they have to avoid the stroke of the approaching\ncomet. This conversation they are apt to run into with the same temper\nthat boys discover in delighting to hear terrible stories of spirits\nand hobgoblins, which they greedily listen to, and dare not go to bed\nfor fear.\n\nThe women of the island have abundance of vivacity: they contemn their\nhusbands, and are exceedingly fond of strangers, whereof there is\nalways a considerable number from the continent below, attending at\ncourt, either upon affairs of the several towns and corporations, or\ntheir own particular occasions, but are much despised, because they\nwant the same endowments. Among these the ladies choose their gallants:\nbut the vexation is, that they act with too much ease and security; for\nthe husband is always so rapt in speculation, that the mistress and\nlover may proceed to the greatest familiarities before his face, if he\nbe but provided with paper and implements, and without his flapper at\nhis side.\n\nThe wives and daughters lament their confinement to the island,\nalthough I think it the most delicious spot of ground in the world; and\nalthough they live here in the greatest plenty and magnificence, and\nare allowed to do whatever they please, they long to see the world, and\ntake the diversions of the metropolis, which they are not allowed to do\nwithout a particular license from the king; and this is not easy to be\nobtained, because the people of quality have found, by frequent\nexperience, how hard it is to persuade their women to return from\nbelow. I was told that a great court lady, who had several children,—is\nmarried to the prime minister, the richest subject in the kingdom, a\nvery graceful person, extremely fond of her, and lives in the finest\npalace of the island,—went down to Lagado on the pretence of health,\nthere hid herself for several months, till the king sent a warrant to\nsearch for her; and she was found in an obscure eating-house all in\nrags, having pawned her clothes to maintain an old deformed footman,\nwho beat her every day, and in whose company she was taken, much\nagainst her will. And although her husband received her with all\npossible kindness, and without the least reproach, she soon after\ncontrived to steal down again, with all her jewels, to the same\ngallant, and has not been heard of since.\n\nThis may perhaps pass with the reader rather for an European or English\nstory, than for one of a country so remote. But he may please to\nconsider, that the caprices of womankind are not limited by any climate\nor nation, and that they are much more uniform, than can be easily\nimagined.\n\nIn about a month’s time, I had made a tolerable proficiency in their\nlanguage, and was able to answer most of the king’s questions, when I\nhad the honour to attend him. His majesty discovered not the least\ncuriosity to inquire into the laws, government, history, religion, or\nmanners of the countries where I had been; but confined his questions\nto the state of mathematics, and received the account I gave him with\ngreat contempt and indifference, though often roused by his flapper on\neach side.\n\n\nCHAPTER III.\n\nA phenomenon solved by modern philosophy and astronomy. The Laputians’\ngreat improvements in the latter. The king’s method of suppressing\ninsurrections.\n\n\nI desired leave of this prince to see the curiosities of the island,\nwhich he was graciously pleased to grant, and ordered my tutor to\nattend me. I chiefly wanted to know, to what cause, in art or in\nnature, it owed its several motions, whereof I will now give a\nphilosophical account to the reader.\n\nThe flying or floating island is exactly circular, its diameter 7837\nyards, or about four miles and a half, and consequently contains ten\nthousand acres. It is three hundred yards thick. The bottom, or under\nsurface, which appears to those who view it below, is one even regular\nplate of adamant, shooting up to the height of about two hundred yards.\nAbove it lie the several minerals in their usual order, and over all is\na coat of rich mould, ten or twelve feet deep. The declivity of the\nupper surface, from the circumference to the centre, is the natural\ncause why all the dews and rains, which fall upon the island, are\nconveyed in small rivulets toward the middle, where they are emptied\ninto four large basins, each of about half a mile in circuit, and two\nhundred yards distant from the centre. From these basins the water is\ncontinually exhaled by the sun in the daytime, which effectually\nprevents their overflowing. Besides, as it is in the power of the\nmonarch to raise the island above the region of clouds and vapours, he\ncan prevent the falling of dews and rain whenever he pleases. For the\nhighest clouds cannot rise above two miles, as naturalists agree, at\nleast they were never known to do so in that country.\n\nAt the centre of the island there is a chasm about fifty yards in\ndiameter, whence the astronomers descend into a large dome, which is\ntherefore called _flandona gagnole_, or the astronomer’s cave, situated\nat the depth of a hundred yards beneath the upper surface of the\nadamant. In this cave are twenty lamps continually burning, which, from\nthe reflection of the adamant, cast a strong light into every part. The\nplace is stored with great variety of sextants, quadrants, telescopes,\nastrolabes, and other astronomical instruments. But the greatest\ncuriosity, upon which the fate of the island depends, is a loadstone of\na prodigious size, in shape resembling a weaver’s shuttle. It is in\nlength six yards, and in the thickest part at least three yards over.\nThis magnet is sustained by a very strong axle of adamant passing\nthrough its middle, upon which it plays, and is poised so exactly that\nthe weakest hand can turn it. It is hooped round with a hollow cylinder\nof adamant, four feet deep, as many thick, and twelve yards in\ndiameter, placed horizontally, and supported by eight adamantine feet,\neach six yards high. In the middle of the concave side, there is a\ngroove twelve inches deep, in which the extremities of the axle are\nlodged, and turned round as there is occasion.\n\nThe stone cannot be removed from its place by any force, because the\nhoop and its feet are one continued piece with that body of adamant\nwhich constitutes the bottom of the island.\n\nBy means of this loadstone, the island is made to rise and fall, and\nmove from one place to another. For, with respect to that part of the\nearth over which the monarch presides, the stone is endued at one of\nits sides with an attractive power, and at the other with a repulsive.\nUpon placing the magnet erect, with its attracting end towards the\nearth, the island descends; but when the repelling extremity points\ndownwards, the island mounts directly upwards. When the position of the\nstone is oblique, the motion of the island is so too. For in this\nmagnet, the forces always act in lines parallel to its direction.\n\nBy this oblique motion, the island is conveyed to different parts of\nthe monarch’s dominions. To explain the manner of its progress, let _A_\n_B_ represent a line drawn across the dominions of Balnibarbi, let the\nline _c_ _d_ represent the loadstone, of which let _d_ be the repelling\nend, and _c_ the attracting end, the island being over _C_; let the\nstone be placed in the position _c_ _d_, with its repelling end\ndownwards; then the island will be driven upwards obliquely towards\n_D_. When it is arrived at _D_, let the stone be turned upon its axle,\ntill its attracting end points towards _E_, and then the island will be\ncarried obliquely towards _E_; where, if the stone be again turned upon\nits axle till it stands in the position _E_ _F_, with its repelling\npoint downwards, the island will rise obliquely towards _F_, where, by\ndirecting the attracting end towards _G_, the island may be carried to\n_G_, and from _G_ to _H_, by turning the stone, so as to make its\nrepelling extremity to point directly downward. And thus, by changing\nthe situation of the stone, as often as there is occasion, the island\nis made to rise and fall by turns in an oblique direction, and by those\nalternate risings and fallings (the obliquity being not considerable)\nis conveyed from one part of the dominions to the other.\n\nBut it must be observed, that this island cannot move beyond the extent\nof the dominions below, nor can it rise above the height of four miles.\nFor which the astronomers (who have written large systems concerning\nthe stone) assign the following reason: that the magnetic virtue does\nnot extend beyond the distance of four miles, and that the mineral,\nwhich acts upon the stone in the bowels of the earth, and in the sea\nabout six leagues distant from the shore, is not diffused through the\nwhole globe, but terminated with the limits of the king’s dominions;\nand it was easy, from the great advantage of such a superior situation,\nfor a prince to bring under his obedience whatever country lay within\nthe attraction of that magnet.\n\nWhen the stone is put parallel to the plane of the horizon, the island\nstands still; for in that case the extremities of it, being at equal\ndistance from the earth, act with equal force, the one in drawing\ndownwards, the other in pushing upwards, and consequently no motion can\nensue.\n\nThis loadstone is under the care of certain astronomers, who, from time\nto time, give it such positions as the monarch directs. They spend the\ngreatest part of their lives in observing the celestial bodies, which\nthey do by the assistance of glasses, far excelling ours in goodness.\nFor, although their largest telescopes do not exceed three feet, they\nmagnify much more than those of a hundred with us, and show the stars\nwith greater clearness. This advantage has enabled them to extend their\ndiscoveries much further than our astronomers in Europe; for they have\nmade a catalogue of ten thousand fixed stars, whereas the largest of\nours do not contain above one third part of that number. They have\nlikewise discovered two lesser stars, or satellites, which revolve\nabout Mars; whereof the innermost is distant from the centre of the\nprimary planet exactly three of his diameters, and the outermost, five;\nthe former revolves in the space of ten hours, and the latter in\ntwenty-one and a half; so that the squares of their periodical times\nare very near in the same proportion with the cubes of their distance\nfrom the centre of Mars; which evidently shows them to be governed by\nthe same law of gravitation that influences the other heavenly bodies.\n\nThey have observed ninety-three different comets, and settled their\nperiods with great exactness. If this be true (and they affirm it with\ngreat confidence) it is much to be wished, that their observations were\nmade public, whereby the theory of comets, which at present is very\nlame and defective, might be brought to the same perfection with other\narts of astronomy.\n\nThe king would be the most absolute prince in the universe, if he could\nbut prevail on a ministry to join with him; but these having their\nestates below on the continent, and considering that the office of a\nfavourite has a very uncertain tenure, would never consent to the\nenslaving of their country.\n\nIf any town should engage in rebellion or mutiny, fall into violent\nfactions, or refuse to pay the usual tribute, the king has two methods\nof reducing them to obedience. The first and the mildest course is, by\nkeeping the island hovering over such a town, and the lands about it,\nwhereby he can deprive them of the benefit of the sun and the rain, and\nconsequently afflict the inhabitants with dearth and diseases. And if\nthe crime deserve it, they are at the same time pelted from above with\ngreat stones, against which they have no defence but by creeping into\ncellars or caves, while the roofs of their houses are beaten to pieces.\nBut if they still continue obstinate, or offer to raise insurrections,\nhe proceeds to the last remedy, by letting the island drop directly\nupon their heads, which makes a universal destruction both of houses\nand men. However, this is an extremity to which the prince is seldom\ndriven, neither indeed is he willing to put it in execution; nor dare\nhis ministers advise him to an action, which, as it would render them\nodious to the people, so it would be a great damage to their own\nestates, which all lie below; for the island is the king’s demesne.\n\nBut there is still indeed a more weighty reason, why the kings of this\ncountry have been always averse from executing so terrible an action,\nunless upon the utmost necessity. For, if the town intended to be\ndestroyed should have in it any tall rocks, as it generally falls out\nin the larger cities, a situation probably chosen at first with a view\nto prevent such a catastrophe; or if it abound in high spires, or\npillars of stone, a sudden fall might endanger the bottom or under\nsurface of the island, which, although it consist, as I have said, of\none entire adamant, two hundred yards thick, might happen to crack by\ntoo great a shock, or burst by approaching too near the fires from the\nhouses below, as the backs, both of iron and stone, will often do in\nour chimneys. Of all this the people are well apprised, and understand\nhow far to carry their obstinacy, where their liberty or property is\nconcerned. And the king, when he is highest provoked, and most\ndetermined to press a city to rubbish, orders the island to descend\nwith great gentleness, out of a pretence of tenderness to his people,\nbut, indeed, for fear of breaking the adamantine bottom; in which case,\nit is the opinion of all their philosophers, that the loadstone could\nno longer hold it up, and the whole mass would fall to the ground.\n\nAbout three years before my arrival among them, while the king was in\nhis progress over his dominions, there happened an extraordinary\naccident which had like to have put a period to the fate of that\nmonarchy, at least as it is now instituted. Lindalino, the second city\nin the kingdom, was the first his majesty visited in his progress.\nThree days after his departure the inhabitants, who had often\ncomplained of great oppressions, shut the town gates, seized on the\ngovernor, and with incredible speed and labour erected four large\ntowers, one at every corner of the city (which is an exact square),\nequal in height to a strong pointed rock that stands directly in the\ncentre of the city. Upon the top of each tower, as well as upon the\nrock, they fixed a great loadstone, and in case their design should\nfail, they had provided a vast quantity of the most combustible fuel,\nhoping to burst therewith the adamantine bottom of the island, if the\nloadstone project should miscarry.\n\nIt was eight months before the king had perfect notice that the\nLindalinians were in rebellion. He then commanded that the island\nshould be wafted over the city. The people were unanimous, and had laid\nin store of provisions, and a great river runs through the middle of\nthe town. The king hovered over them several days to deprive them of\nthe sun and the rain. He ordered many packthreads to be let down, yet\nnot a person offered to send up a petition, but instead thereof very\nbold demands, the redress of all their grievances, great immunities,\nthe choice of their own governor, and other the like exorbitances. Upon\nwhich his majesty commanded all the inhabitants of the island to cast\ngreat stones from the lower gallery into the town; but the citizens had\nprovided against this mischief by conveying their persons and effects\ninto the four towers, and other strong buildings, and vaults\nunderground.\n\nThe king being now determined to reduce this proud people, ordered that\nthe island should descend gently within forty yards of the top of the\ntowers and rock. This was accordingly done; but the officers employed\nin that work found the descent much speedier than usual, and by turning\nthe loadstone could not without great difficulty keep it in a firm\nposition, but found the island inclining to fall. They sent the king\nimmediate intelligence of this astonishing event, and begged his\nmajesty’s permission to raise the island higher; the king consented, a\ngeneral council was called, and the officers of the loadstone ordered\nto attend. One of the oldest and expertest among them obtained leave to\ntry an experiment, he took a strong line of an hundred yards, and the\nisland being raised over the town above the attracting power they had\nfelt, he fastened a piece of adamant to the end of his line, which had\nin it a mixture of iron mineral, of the same nature with that whereof\nthe bottom or lower surface of the island is composed, and from the\nlower gallery let it down slowly towards the top of the towers. The\nadamant was not descended four yards, before the officer felt it drawn\nso strongly downwards that he could hardly pull it back, he then threw\ndown several small pieces of adamant, and observed that they were all\nviolently attracted by the top of the tower. The same experiment was\nmade on the other three towers, and on the rock with the same effect.\n\nThis incident broke entirely the king’s measures, and (to dwell no\nlonger on other circumstances) he was forced to give the town their own\nconditions.\n\nI was assured by a great minister that if the island had descended so\nnear the town as not to be able to raise itself, the citizens were\ndetermined to fix it for ever, to kill the king and all his servants,\nand entirely change the government.\n\nBy a fundamental law of this realm, neither the king, nor either of his\ntwo eldest sons, are permitted to leave the island; nor the queen, till\nshe is past child-bearing.\n\n\nCHAPTER IV.\n\nThe author leaves Laputa; is conveyed to Balnibarbi; arrives at the\nmetropolis. A description of the metropolis, and the country adjoining.\nThe author hospitably received by a great lord. His conversation with\nthat lord.\n\n\nAlthough I cannot say that I was ill treated in this island, yet I must\nconfess I thought myself too much neglected, not without some degree of\ncontempt; for neither prince nor people appeared to be curious in any\npart of knowledge, except mathematics and music, wherein I was far\ntheir inferior, and upon that account very little regarded.\n\nOn the other side, after having seen all the curiosities of the island,\nI was very desirous to leave it, being heartily weary of those people.\nThey were indeed excellent in two sciences for which I have great\nesteem, and wherein I am not unversed; but, at the same time, so\nabstracted and involved in speculation, that I never met with such\ndisagreeable companions. I conversed only with women, tradesmen,\nflappers, and court-pages, during two months of my abode there; by\nwhich, at last, I rendered myself extremely contemptible; yet these\nwere the only people from whom I could ever receive a reasonable\nanswer.\n\nI had obtained, by hard study, a good degree of knowledge in their\nlanguage; I was weary of being confined to an island where I received\nso little countenance, and resolved to leave it with the first\nopportunity.\n\nThere was a great lord at court, nearly related to the king, and for\nthat reason alone used with respect. He was universally reckoned the\nmost ignorant and stupid person among them. He had performed many\neminent services for the crown, had great natural and acquired parts,\nadorned with integrity and honour; but so ill an ear for music, that\nhis detractors reported, “he had been often known to beat time in the\nwrong place;” neither could his tutors, without extreme difficulty,\nteach him to demonstrate the most easy proposition in the mathematics.\nHe was pleased to show me many marks of favour, often did me the honour\nof a visit, desired to be informed in the affairs of Europe, the laws\nand customs, the manners and learning of the several countries where I\nhad travelled. He listened to me with great attention, and made very\nwise observations on all I spoke. He had two flappers attending him for\nstate, but never made use of them, except at court and in visits of\nceremony, and would always command them to withdraw, when we were alone\ntogether.\n\nI entreated this illustrious person, to intercede in my behalf with his\nmajesty, for leave to depart; which he accordingly did, as he was\npleased to tell me, with regret: for indeed he had made me several\noffers very advantageous, which, however, I refused, with expressions\nof the highest acknowledgment.\n\nOn the 16th day of February I took leave of his majesty and the court.\nThe king made me a present to the value of about two hundred pounds\nEnglish, and my protector, his kinsman, as much more, together with a\nletter of recommendation to a friend of his in Lagado, the metropolis.\nThe island being then hovering over a mountain about two miles from it,\nI was let down from the lowest gallery, in the same manner as I had\nbeen taken up.\n\nThe continent, as far as it is subject to the monarch of the flying\nisland, passes under the general name of _Balnibarbi_; and the\nmetropolis, as I said before, is called _Lagado_. I felt some little\nsatisfaction in finding myself on firm ground. I walked to the city\nwithout any concern, being clad like one of the natives, and\nsufficiently instructed to converse with them. I soon found out the\nperson’s house to whom I was recommended, presented my letter from his\nfriend the grandee in the island, and was received with much kindness.\nThis great lord, whose name was Munodi, ordered me an apartment in his\nown house, where I continued during my stay, and was entertained in a\nmost hospitable manner.\n\nThe next morning after my arrival, he took me in his chariot to see the\ntown, which is about half the bigness of London; but the houses very\nstrangely built, and most of them out of repair. The people in the\nstreets walked fast, looked wild, their eyes fixed, and were generally\nin rags. We passed through one of the town gates, and went about three\nmiles into the country, where I saw many labourers working with several\nsorts of tools in the ground, but was not able to conjecture what they\nwere about; neither did I observe any expectation either of corn or\ngrass, although the soil appeared to be excellent. I could not forbear\nadmiring at these odd appearances, both in town and country; and I made\nbold to desire my conductor, that he would be pleased to explain to me,\nwhat could be meant by so many busy heads, hands, and faces, both in\nthe streets and the fields, because I did not discover any good effects\nthey produced; but, on the contrary, I never knew a soil so unhappily\ncultivated, houses so ill contrived and so ruinous, or a people whose\ncountenances and habit expressed so much misery and want.\n\nThis lord Munodi was a person of the first rank, and had been some\nyears governor of Lagado; but, by a cabal of ministers, was discharged\nfor insufficiency. However, the king treated him with tenderness, as a\nwell-meaning man, but of a low contemptible understanding.\n\nWhen I gave that free censure of the country and its inhabitants, he\nmade no further answer than by telling me, “that I had not been long\nenough among them to form a judgment; and that the different nations of\nthe world had different customs;” with other common topics to the same\npurpose. But, when we returned to his palace, he asked me “how I liked\nthe building, what absurdities I observed, and what quarrel I had with\nthe dress or looks of his domestics?” This he might safely do; because\nevery thing about him was magnificent, regular, and polite. I answered,\n“that his excellency’s prudence, quality, and fortune, had exempted him\nfrom those defects, which folly and beggary had produced in others.” He\nsaid, “if I would go with him to his country-house, about twenty miles\ndistant, where his estate lay, there would be more leisure for this\nkind of conversation.” I told his excellency “that I was entirely at\nhis disposal;” and accordingly we set out next morning.\n\nDuring our journey he made me observe the several methods used by\nfarmers in managing their lands, which to me were wholly unaccountable;\nfor, except in some very few places, I could not discover one ear of\ncorn or blade of grass. But, in three hours travelling, the scene was\nwholly altered; we came into a most beautiful country; farmers’ houses,\nat small distances, neatly built; the fields enclosed, containing\nvineyards, corn-grounds, and meadows. Neither do I remember to have\nseen a more delightful prospect. His excellency observed my countenance\nto clear up; he told me, with a sigh, “that there his estate began, and\nwould continue the same, till we should come to his house: that his\ncountrymen ridiculed and despised him, for managing his affairs no\nbetter, and for setting so ill an example to the kingdom; which,\nhowever, was followed by very few, such as were old, and wilful, and\nweak like himself.”\n\nWe came at length to the house, which was indeed a noble structure,\nbuilt according to the best rules of ancient architecture. The\nfountains, gardens, walks, avenues, and groves, were all disposed with\nexact judgment and taste. I gave due praises to every thing I saw,\nwhereof his excellency took not the least notice till after supper;\nwhen, there being no third companion, he told me with a very melancholy\nair “that he doubted he must throw down his houses in town and country,\nto rebuild them after the present mode; destroy all his plantations,\nand cast others into such a form as modern usage required, and give the\nsame directions to all his tenants, unless he would submit to incur the\ncensure of pride, singularity, affectation, ignorance, caprice, and\nperhaps increase his majesty’s displeasure; that the admiration I\nappeared to be under would cease or diminish, when he had informed me\nof some particulars which, probably, I never heard of at court, the\npeople there being too much taken up in their own speculations, to have\nregard to what passed here below.”\n\nThe sum of his discourse was to this effect: “That about forty years\nago, certain persons went up to Laputa, either upon business or\ndiversion, and, after five months continuance, came back with a very\nlittle smattering in mathematics, but full of volatile spirits acquired\nin that airy region: that these persons, upon their return, began to\ndislike the management of every thing below, and fell into schemes of\nputting all arts, sciences, languages, and mechanics, upon a new foot.\nTo this end, they procured a royal patent for erecting an academy of\nprojectors in Lagado; and the humour prevailed so strongly among the\npeople, that there is not a town of any consequence in the kingdom\nwithout such an academy. In these colleges the professors contrive new\nrules and methods of agriculture and building, and new instruments, and\ntools for all trades and manufactures; whereby, as they undertake, one\nman shall do the work of ten; a palace may be built in a week, of\nmaterials so durable as to last for ever without repairing. All the\nfruits of the earth shall come to maturity at whatever season we think\nfit to choose, and increase a hundred fold more than they do at\npresent; with innumerable other happy proposals. The only inconvenience\nis, that none of these projects are yet brought to perfection; and in\nthe mean time, the whole country lies miserably waste, the houses in\nruins, and the people without food or clothes. By all which, instead of\nbeing discouraged, they are fifty times more violently bent upon\nprosecuting their schemes, driven equally on by hope and despair: that\nas for himself, being not of an enterprising spirit, he was content to\ngo on in the old forms, to live in the houses his ancestors had built,\nand act as they did, in every part of life, without innovation: that\nsome few other persons of quality and gentry had done the same, but\nwere looked on with an eye of contempt and ill-will, as enemies to art,\nignorant, and ill common-wealth’s men, preferring their own ease and\nsloth before the general improvement of their country.”\n\nHis lordship added, “That he would not, by any further particulars,\nprevent the pleasure I should certainly take in viewing the grand\nacademy, whither he was resolved I should go.” He only desired me to\nobserve a ruined building, upon the side of a mountain about three\nmiles distant, of which he gave me this account: “That he had a very\nconvenient mill within half a mile of his house, turned by a current\nfrom a large river, and sufficient for his own family, as well as a\ngreat number of his tenants; that about seven years ago, a club of\nthose projectors came to him with proposals to destroy this mill, and\nbuild another on the side of that mountain, on the long ridge whereof a\nlong canal must be cut, for a repository of water, to be conveyed up by\npipes and engines to supply the mill, because the wind and air upon a\nheight agitated the water, and thereby made it fitter for motion, and\nbecause the water, descending down a declivity, would turn the mill\nwith half the current of a river whose course is more upon a level.” He\nsaid, “that being then not very well with the court, and pressed by\nmany of his friends, he complied with the proposal; and after employing\na hundred men for two years, the work miscarried, the projectors went\noff, laying the blame entirely upon him, railing at him ever since, and\nputting others upon the same experiment, with equal assurance of\nsuccess, as well as equal disappointment.”\n\nIn a few days we came back to town; and his excellency, considering the\nbad character he had in the academy, would not go with me himself, but\nrecommended me to a friend of his, to bear me company thither. My lord\nwas pleased to represent me as a great admirer of projects, and a\nperson of much curiosity and easy belief; which, indeed, was not\nwithout truth; for I had myself been a sort of projector in my younger\ndays.\n\n\nCHAPTER V.\n\nThe author permitted to see the grand academy of Lagado. The academy\nlargely described. The arts wherein the professors employ themselves.\n\n\nThis academy is not an entire single building, but a continuation of\nseveral houses on both sides of a street, which growing waste, was\npurchased and applied to that use.\n\nI was received very kindly by the warden, and went for many days to the\nacademy. Every room has in it one or more projectors; and I believe I\ncould not be in fewer than five hundred rooms.\n\nThe first man I saw was of a meagre aspect, with sooty hands and face,\nhis hair and beard long, ragged, and singed in several places. His\nclothes, shirt, and skin, were all of the same colour. He had been\neight years upon a project for extracting sunbeams out of cucumbers,\nwhich were to be put in phials hermetically sealed, and let out to warm\nthe air in raw inclement summers. He told me, he did not doubt, that,\nin eight years more, he should be able to supply the governor’s gardens\nwith sunshine, at a reasonable rate; but he complained that his stock\nwas low, and entreated me “to give him something as an encouragement to\ningenuity, especially since this had been a very dear season for\ncucumbers.” I made him a small present, for my lord had furnished me\nwith money on purpose, because he knew their practice of begging from\nall who go to see them.\n\nI went into another chamber, but was ready to hasten back, being almost\novercome with a horrible stink. My conductor pressed me forward,\nconjuring me in a whisper “to give no offence, which would be highly\nresented;” and therefore I durst not so much as stop my nose. The\nprojector of this cell was the most ancient student of the academy; his\nface and beard were of a pale yellow; his hands and clothes daubed over\nwith filth. When I was presented to him, he gave me a close embrace, a\ncompliment I could well have excused. His employment, from his first\ncoming into the academy, was an operation to reduce human excrement to\nits original food, by separating the several parts, removing the\ntincture which it receives from the gall, making the odour exhale, and\nscumming off the saliva. He had a weekly allowance, from the society,\nof a vessel filled with human ordure, about the bigness of a Bristol\nbarrel.\n\nI saw another at work to calcine ice into gunpowder; who likewise\nshowed me a treatise he had written concerning the malleability of\nfire, which he intended to publish.\n\nThere was a most ingenious architect, who had contrived a new method\nfor building houses, by beginning at the roof, and working downward to\nthe foundation; which he justified to me, by the like practice of those\ntwo prudent insects, the bee and the spider.\n\nThere was a man born blind, who had several apprentices in his own\ncondition: their employment was to mix colours for painters, which\ntheir master taught them to distinguish by feeling and smelling. It was\nindeed my misfortune to find them at that time not very perfect in\ntheir lessons, and the professor himself happened to be generally\nmistaken. This artist is much encouraged and esteemed by the whole\nfraternity.\n\nIn another apartment I was highly pleased with a projector who had\nfound a device of ploughing the ground with hogs, to save the charges\nof ploughs, cattle, and labour. The method is this: in an acre of\nground you bury, at six inches distance and eight deep, a quantity of\nacorns, dates, chestnuts, and other mast or vegetables, whereof these\nanimals are fondest; then you drive six hundred or more of them into\nthe field, where, in a few days, they will root up the whole ground in\nsearch of their food, and make it fit for sowing, at the same time\nmanuring it with their dung: it is true, upon experiment, they found\nthe charge and trouble very great, and they had little or no crop.\nHowever it is not doubted, that this invention may be capable of great\nimprovement.\n\nI went into another room, where the walls and ceiling were all hung\nround with cobwebs, except a narrow passage for the artist to go in and\nout. At my entrance, he called aloud to me, “not to disturb his webs.”\nHe lamented “the fatal mistake the world had been so long in, of using\nsilkworms, while we had such plenty of domestic insects who infinitely\nexcelled the former, because they understood how to weave, as well as\nspin.” And he proposed further, “that by employing spiders, the charge\nof dyeing silks should be wholly saved;” whereof I was fully convinced,\nwhen he showed me a vast number of flies most beautifully coloured,\nwherewith he fed his spiders, assuring us “that the webs would take a\ntincture from them; and as he had them of all hues, he hoped to fit\neverybody’s fancy, as soon as he could find proper food for the flies,\nof certain gums, oils, and other glutinous matter, to give a strength\nand consistence to the threads.”\n\nThere was an astronomer, who had undertaken to place a sun-dial upon\nthe great weathercock on the town-house, by adjusting the annual and\ndiurnal motions of the earth and sun, so as to answer and coincide with\nall accidental turnings of the wind.\n\nI was complaining of a small fit of the colic, upon which my conductor\nled me into a room where a great physician resided, who was famous for\ncuring that disease, by contrary operations from the same instrument.\nHe had a large pair of bellows, with a long slender muzzle of ivory.\nThis he conveyed eight inches up the anus, and drawing in the wind, he\naffirmed he could make the guts as lank as a dried bladder. But when\nthe disease was more stubborn and violent, he let in the muzzle while\nthe bellows were full of wind, which he discharged into the body of the\npatient; then withdrew the instrument to replenish it, clapping his\nthumb strongly against the orifice of the fundament; and this being\nrepeated three or four times, the adventitious wind would rush out,\nbringing the noxious along with it, (like water put into a pump), and\nthe patient recovered. I saw him try both experiments upon a dog, but\ncould not discern any effect from the former. After the latter the\nanimal was ready to burst, and made so violent a discharge as was very\noffensive to me and my companions. The dog died on the spot, and we\nleft the doctor endeavouring to recover him, by the same operation.\n\nI visited many other apartments, but shall not trouble my reader with\nall the curiosities I observed, being studious of brevity.\n\nI had hitherto seen only one side of the academy, the other being\nappropriated to the advancers of speculative learning, of whom I shall\nsay something, when I have mentioned one illustrious person more, who\nis called among them “the universal artist.” He told us “he had been\nthirty years employing his thoughts for the improvement of human life.”\nHe had two large rooms full of wonderful curiosities, and fifty men at\nwork. Some were condensing air into a dry tangible substance, by\nextracting the nitre, and letting the aqueous or fluid particles\npercolate; others softening marble, for pillows and pin-cushions;\nothers petrifying the hoofs of a living horse, to preserve them from\nfoundering. The artist himself was at that time busy upon two great\ndesigns; the first, to sow land with chaff, wherein he affirmed the\ntrue seminal virtue to be contained, as he demonstrated by several\nexperiments, which I was not skilful enough to comprehend. The other\nwas, by a certain composition of gums, minerals, and vegetables,\noutwardly applied, to prevent the growth of wool upon two young lambs;\nand he hoped, in a reasonable time to propagate the breed of naked\nsheep, all over the kingdom.\n\nWe crossed a walk to the other part of the academy, where, as I have\nalready said, the projectors in speculative learning resided.\n\nThe first professor I saw, was in a very large room, with forty pupils\nabout him. After salutation, observing me to look earnestly upon a\nframe, which took up the greatest part of both the length and breadth\nof the room, he said, “Perhaps I might wonder to see him employed in a\nproject for improving speculative knowledge, by practical and\nmechanical operations. But the world would soon be sensible of its\nusefulness; and he flattered himself, that a more noble, exalted\nthought never sprang in any other man’s head. Every one knew how\nlaborious the usual method is of attaining to arts and sciences;\nwhereas, by his contrivance, the most ignorant person, at a reasonable\ncharge, and with a little bodily labour, might write books in\nphilosophy, poetry, politics, laws, mathematics, and theology, without\nthe least assistance from genius or study.” He then led me to the\nframe, about the sides, whereof all his pupils stood in ranks. It was\ntwenty feet square, placed in the middle of the room. The superficies\nwas composed of several bits of wood, about the bigness of a die, but\nsome larger than others. They were all linked together by slender\nwires. These bits of wood were covered, on every square, with paper\npasted on them; and on these papers were written all the words of their\nlanguage, in their several moods, tenses, and declensions; but without\nany order. The professor then desired me “to observe; for he was going\nto set his engine at work.” The pupils, at his command, took each of\nthem hold of an iron handle, whereof there were forty fixed round the\nedges of the frame; and giving them a sudden turn, the whole\ndisposition of the words was entirely changed. He then commanded\nsix-and-thirty of the lads, to read the several lines softly, as they\nappeared upon the frame; and where they found three or four words\ntogether that might make part of a sentence, they dictated to the four\nremaining boys, who were scribes. This work was repeated three or four\ntimes, and at every turn, the engine was so contrived, that the words\nshifted into new places, as the square bits of wood moved upside down.\n\nThe frame\n\n\nSix hours a day the young students were employed in this labour; and\nthe professor showed me several volumes in large folio, already\ncollected, of broken sentences, which he intended to piece together,\nand out of those rich materials, to give the world a complete body of\nall arts and sciences; which, however, might be still improved, and\nmuch expedited, if the public would raise a fund for making and\nemploying five hundred such frames in Lagado, and oblige the managers\nto contribute in common their several collections.\n\nHe assured me “that this invention had employed all his thoughts from\nhis youth; that he had emptied the whole vocabulary into his frame, and\nmade the strictest computation of the general proportion there is in\nbooks between the numbers of particles, nouns, and verbs, and other\nparts of speech.”\n\nI made my humblest acknowledgment to this illustrious person, for his\ngreat communicativeness; and promised, “if ever I had the good fortune\nto return to my native country, that I would do him justice, as the\nsole inventor of this wonderful machine;” the form and contrivance of\nwhich I desired leave to delineate on paper, as in the figure here\nannexed. I told him, “although it were the custom of our learned in\nEurope to steal inventions from each other, who had thereby at least\nthis advantage, that it became a controversy which was the right owner;\nyet I would take such caution, that he should have the honour entire,\nwithout a rival.”\n\nWe next went to the school of languages, where three professors sat in\nconsultation upon improving that of their own country.\n\nThe first project was, to shorten discourse, by cutting polysyllables\ninto one, and leaving out verbs and participles, because, in reality,\nall things imaginable are but norms.\n\nThe other project was, a scheme for entirely abolishing all words\nwhatsoever; and this was urged as a great advantage in point of health,\nas well as brevity. For it is plain, that every word we speak is, in\nsome degree, a diminution of our lungs by corrosion, and, consequently,\ncontributes to the shortening of our lives. An expedient was therefore\noffered, “that since words are only names for _things_, it would be\nmore convenient for all men to carry about them such things as were\nnecessary to express a particular business they are to discourse on.”\nAnd this invention would certainly have taken place, to the great ease\nas well as health of the subject, if the women, in conjunction with the\nvulgar and illiterate, had not threatened to raise a rebellion unless\nthey might be allowed the liberty to speak with their tongues, after\nthe manner of their forefathers; such constant irreconcilable enemies\nto science are the common people. However, many of the most learned and\nwise adhere to the new scheme of expressing themselves by things; which\nhas only this inconvenience attending it, that if a man’s business be\nvery great, and of various kinds, he must be obliged, in proportion, to\ncarry a greater bundle of things upon his back, unless he can afford\none or two strong servants to attend him. I have often beheld two of\nthose sages almost sinking under the weight of their packs, like\npedlars among us, who, when they met in the street, would lay down\ntheir loads, open their sacks, and hold conversation for an hour\ntogether; then put up their implements, help each other to resume their\nburdens, and take their leave.\n\nBut for short conversations, a man may carry implements in his pockets,\nand under his arms, enough to supply him; and in his house, he cannot\nbe at a loss. Therefore the room where company meet who practise this\nart, is full of all things, ready at hand, requisite to furnish matter\nfor this kind of artificial converse.\n\nAnother great advantage proposed by this invention was, that it would\nserve as a universal language, to be understood in all civilised\nnations, whose goods and utensils are generally of the same kind, or\nnearly resembling, so that their uses might easily be comprehended. And\nthus ambassadors would be qualified to treat with foreign princes, or\nministers of state, to whose tongues they were utter strangers.\n\nI was at the mathematical school, where the master taught his pupils\nafter a method scarce imaginable to us in Europe. The proposition, and\ndemonstration, were fairly written on a thin wafer, with ink composed\nof a cephalic tincture. This, the student was to swallow upon a fasting\nstomach, and for three days following, eat nothing but bread and water.\nAs the wafer digested, the tincture mounted to his brain, bearing the\nproposition along with it. But the success has not hitherto been\nanswerable, partly by some error in the _quantum_ or composition, and\npartly by the perverseness of lads, to whom this bolus is so nauseous,\nthat they generally steal aside, and discharge it upwards, before it\ncan operate; neither have they been yet persuaded to use so long an\nabstinence, as the prescription requires.\n\n\nCHAPTER VI.\n\nA further account of the academy. The author proposes some\nimprovements, which are honourably received.\n\n\nIn the school of political projectors, I was but ill entertained; the\nprofessors appearing, in my judgment, wholly out of their senses, which\nis a scene that never fails to make me melancholy. These unhappy people\nwere proposing schemes for persuading monarchs to choose favourites\nupon the score of their wisdom, capacity, and virtue; of teaching\nministers to consult the public good; of rewarding merit, great\nabilities, eminent services; of instructing princes to know their true\ninterest, by placing it on the same foundation with that of their\npeople; of choosing for employments persons qualified to exercise them,\nwith many other wild, impossible chimeras, that never entered before\ninto the heart of man to conceive; and confirmed in me the old\nobservation, “that there is nothing so extravagant and irrational,\nwhich some philosophers have not maintained for truth.”\n\nBut, however, I shall so far do justice to this part of the Academy, as\nto acknowledge that all of them were not so visionary. There was a most\ningenious doctor, who seemed to be perfectly versed in the whole nature\nand system of government. This illustrious person had very usefully\nemployed his studies, in finding out effectual remedies for all\ndiseases and corruptions to which the several kinds of public\nadministration are subject, by the vices or infirmities of those who\ngovern, as well as by the licentiousness of those who are to obey. For\ninstance: whereas all writers and reasoners have agreed, that there is\na strict universal resemblance between the natural and the political\nbody; can there be any thing more evident, than that the health of both\nmust be preserved, and the diseases cured, by the same prescriptions?\nIt is allowed, that senates and great councils are often troubled with\nredundant, ebullient, and other peccant humours; with many diseases of\nthe head, and more of the heart; with strong convulsions, with grievous\ncontractions of the nerves and sinews in both hands, but especially the\nright; with spleen, flatus, vertigos, and deliriums; with scrofulous\ntumours, full of fetid purulent matter; with sour frothy ructations:\nwith canine appetites, and crudeness of digestion, besides many others,\nneedless to mention. This doctor therefore proposed, “that upon the\nmeeting of the senate, certain physicians should attend it the three\nfirst days of their sitting, and at the close of each day’s debate feel\nthe pulses of every senator; after which, having maturely considered\nand consulted upon the nature of the several maladies, and the methods\nof cure, they should on the fourth day return to the senate house,\nattended by their apothecaries stored with proper medicines; and before\nthe members sat, administer to each of them lenitives, aperitives,\nabstersives, corrosives, restringents, palliatives, laxatives,\ncephalalgics, icterics, apophlegmatics, acoustics, as their several\ncases required; and, according as these medicines should operate,\nrepeat, alter, or omit them, at the next meeting.”\n\nThis project could not be of any great expense to the public; and might\nin my poor opinion, be of much use for the despatch of business, in\nthose countries where senates have any share in the legislative power;\nbeget unanimity, shorten debates, open a few mouths which are now\nclosed, and close many more which are now open; curb the petulancy of\nthe young, and correct the positiveness of the old; rouse the stupid,\nand damp the pert.\n\nAgain, because it is a general complaint, that the favourites of\nprinces are troubled with short and weak memories; the same doctor\nproposed, “that whoever attended a first minister, after having told\nhis business, with the utmost brevity and in the plainest words,\nshould, at his departure, give the said minister a tweak by the nose,\nor a kick in the belly, or tread on his corns, or lug him thrice by\nboth ears, or run a pin into his breech; or pinch his arm black and\nblue, to prevent forgetfulness; and at every levee day, repeat the same\noperation, till the business were done, or absolutely refused.”\n\nHe likewise directed, “that every senator in the great council of a\nnation, after he had delivered his opinion, and argued in the defence\nof it, should be obliged to give his vote directly contrary; because if\nthat were done, the result would infallibly terminate in the good of\nthe public.”\n\nWhen parties in a state are violent, he offered a wonderful contrivance\nto reconcile them. The method is this: You take a hundred leaders of\neach party; you dispose them into couples of such whose heads are\nnearest of a size; then let two nice operators saw off the occiput of\neach couple at the same time, in such a manner that the brain may be\nequally divided. Let the occiputs, thus cut off, be interchanged,\napplying each to the head of his opposite party-man. It seems indeed to\nbe a work that requires some exactness, but the professor assured us,\n“that if it were dexterously performed, the cure would be infallible.”\nFor he argued thus: “that the two half brains being left to debate the\nmatter between themselves within the space of one skull, would soon\ncome to a good understanding, and produce that moderation, as well as\nregularity of thinking, so much to be wished for in the heads of those,\nwho imagine they come into the world only to watch and govern its\nmotion: and as to the difference of brains, in quantity or quality,\namong those who are directors in faction,” the doctor assured us, from\nhis own knowledge, that “it was a perfect trifle.”\n\nI heard a very warm debate between two professors, about the most\ncommodious and effectual ways and means of raising money, without\ngrieving the subject. The first affirmed, “the justest method would be,\nto lay a certain tax upon vices and folly; and the sum fixed upon every\nman to be rated, after the fairest manner, by a jury of his\nneighbours.” The second was of an opinion directly contrary; “to tax\nthose qualities of body and mind, for which men chiefly value\nthemselves; the rate to be more or less, according to the degrees of\nexcelling; the decision whereof should be left entirely to their own\nbreast.” The highest tax was upon men who are the greatest favourites\nof the other sex, and the assessments, according to the number and\nnature of the favours they have received; for which, they are allowed\nto be their own vouchers. Wit, valour, and politeness, were likewise\nproposed to be largely taxed, and collected in the same manner, by\nevery person’s giving his own word for the quantum of what he\npossessed. But as to honour, justice, wisdom, and learning, they should\nnot be taxed at all; because they are qualifications of so singular a\nkind, that no man will either allow them in his neighbour or value them\nin himself.\n\nThe women were proposed to be taxed according to their beauty and skill\nin dressing, wherein they had the same privilege with the men, to be\ndetermined by their own judgment. But constancy, chastity, good sense,\nand good nature, were not rated, because they would not bear the charge\nof collecting.\n\nTo keep senators in the interest of the crown, it was proposed that the\nmembers should raffle for employments; every man first taking an oath,\nand giving security, that he would vote for the court, whether he won\nor not; after which, the losers had, in their turn, the liberty of\nraffling upon the next vacancy. Thus, hope and expectation would be\nkept alive; none would complain of broken promises, but impute their\ndisappointments wholly to fortune, whose shoulders are broader and\nstronger than those of a ministry.\n\nAnother professor showed me a large paper of instructions for\ndiscovering plots and conspiracies against the government. He advised\ngreat statesmen to examine into the diet of all suspected persons;\ntheir times of eating; upon which side they lay in bed; with which hand\nthey wipe their posteriors; take a strict view of their excrements,\nand, from the colour, the odour, the taste, the consistence, the\ncrudeness or maturity of digestion, form a judgment of their thoughts\nand designs; because men are never so serious, thoughtful, and intent,\nas when they are at stool, which he found by frequent experiment; for,\nin such conjunctures, when he used, merely as a trial, to consider\nwhich was the best way of murdering the king, his ordure would have a\ntincture of green; but quite different, when he thought only of raising\nan insurrection, or burning the metropolis.\n\nThe whole discourse was written with great acuteness, containing many\nobservations, both curious and useful for politicians; but, as I\nconceived, not altogether complete. This I ventured to tell the author,\nand offered, if he pleased, to supply him with some additions. He\nreceived my proposition with more compliance than is usual among\nwriters, especially those of the projecting species, professing “he\nwould be glad to receive further information.”\n\nI told him, “that in the kingdom of Tribnia, [454a] by the natives\ncalled Langden, [454b] where I had sojourned some time in my travels,\nthe bulk of the people consist in a manner wholly of discoverers,\nwitnesses, informers, accusers, prosecutors, evidences, swearers,\ntogether with their several subservient and subaltern instruments, all\nunder the colours, the conduct, and the pay of ministers of state, and\ntheir deputies. The plots, in that kingdom, are usually the workmanship\nof those persons who desire to raise their own characters of profound\npoliticians; to restore new vigour to a crazy administration; to stifle\nor divert general discontents; to fill their coffers with forfeitures;\nand raise, or sink the opinion of public credit, as either shall best\nanswer their private advantage. It is first agreed and settled among\nthem, what suspected persons shall be accused of a plot; then,\neffectual care is taken to secure all their letters and papers, and put\nthe owners in chains. These papers are delivered to a set of artists,\nvery dexterous in finding out the mysterious meanings of words,\nsyllables, and letters: for instance, they can discover a close stool,\nto signify a privy council; a flock of geese, a senate; a lame dog, an\ninvader; a codshead; a ——; the plague, a standing army; a buzzard, a\nprime minister; the gout, a high priest; a gibbet, a secretary of\nstate; a chamber pot, a committee of grandees; a sieve, a court lady; a\nbroom, a revolution; a mouse-trap, an employment; a bottomless pit, a\ntreasury; a sink, a court; a cap and bells, a favourite; a broken reed,\na court of justice; an empty tun, a general; a running sore, the\nadministration. [455]\n\n“When this method fails, they have two others more effectual, which the\nlearned among them call acrostics and anagrams. First, they can\ndecipher all initial letters into political meanings. Thus _N_. shall\nsignify a plot; _B_. a regiment of horse; _L_. a fleet at sea; or,\nsecondly, by transposing the letters of the alphabet in any suspected\npaper, they can lay open the deepest designs of a discontented party.\nSo, for example, if I should say, in a letter to a friend, ‘Our brother\nTom has just got the piles,’ a skilful decipherer would discover, that\nthe same letters which compose that sentence, may be analysed into the\nfollowing words, ‘Resist, a plot is brought home; The tour.’ And this\nis the anagrammatic method.”\n\nThe professor made me great acknowledgments for communicating these\nobservations, and promised to make honourable mention of me in his\ntreatise.\n\nI saw nothing in this country that could invite me to a longer\ncontinuance, and began to think of returning home to England.\n\n\nCHAPTER VII.\n\nThe author leaves Lagado: arrives at Maldonada. No ship ready. He takes\na short voyage to Glubbdubdrib. His reception by the governor.\n\n\nThe continent, of which this kingdom is apart, extends itself, as I\nhave reason to believe, eastward, to that unknown tract of America\nwestward of California; and north, to the Pacific Ocean, which is not\nabove a hundred and fifty miles from Lagado; where there is a good\nport, and much commerce with the great island of Luggnagg, situated to\nthe north-west about 29 degrees north latitude, and 140 longitude. This\nisland of Luggnagg stands south-eastward of Japan, about a hundred\nleagues distant. There is a strict alliance between the Japanese\nemperor and the king of Luggnagg; which affords frequent opportunities\nof sailing from one island to the other. I determined therefore to\ndirect my course this way, in order to direct my return to Europe. I\nhired two mules, with a guide, to show me the way, and carry my small\nbaggage. I took leave of my noble protector, who had shown me so much\nfavour, and made me a generous present at my departure.\n\nMy journey was without any accident or adventure worth relating. When I\narrived at the port of Maldonada (for so it is called) there was no\nship in the harbour bound for Luggnagg, nor likely to be in some time.\nThe town is about as large as Portsmouth. I soon fell into some\nacquaintance, and was very hospitably received. A gentleman of\ndistinction said to me, “that since the ships bound for Luggnagg could\nnot be ready in less than a month, it might be no disagreeable\namusement for me to take a trip to the little island of Glubbdubdrib,\nabout five leagues off to the south-west.” He offered himself and a\nfriend to accompany me, and that I should be provided with a small\nconvenient bark for the voyage.\n\nGlubbdubdrib, as nearly as I can interpret the word, signifies the\nisland of sorcerers or magicians. It is about one third as large as the\nIsle of Wight, and extremely fruitful: it is governed by the head of a\ncertain tribe, who are all magicians. This tribe marries only among\neach other, and the eldest in succession is prince or governor. He has\na noble palace, and a park of about three thousand acres, surrounded by\na wall of hewn stone twenty feet high. In this park are several small\nenclosures for cattle, corn, and gardening.\n\nThe governor and his family are served and attended by domestics of a\nkind somewhat unusual. By his skill in necromancy he has a power of\ncalling whom he pleases from the dead, and commanding their service for\ntwenty-four hours, but no longer; nor can he call the same persons up\nagain in less than three months, except upon very extraordinary\noccasions.\n\nWhen we arrived at the island, which was about eleven in the morning,\none of the gentlemen who accompanied me went to the governor, and\ndesired admittance for a stranger, who came on purpose to have the\nhonour of attending on his highness. This was immediately granted, and\nwe all three entered the gate of the palace between two rows of guards,\narmed and dressed after a very antic manner, and with something in\ntheir countenances that made my flesh creep with a horror I cannot\nexpress. We passed through several apartments, between servants of the\nsame sort, ranked on each side as before, till we came to the chamber\nof presence; where, after three profound obeisances, and a few general\nquestions, we were permitted to sit on three stools, near the lowest\nstep of his highness’s throne. He understood the language of\nBalnibarbi, although it was different from that of this island. He\ndesired me to give him some account of my travels; and, to let me see\nthat I should be treated without ceremony, he dismissed all his\nattendants with a turn of his finger; at which, to my great\nastonishment, they vanished in an instant, like visions in a dream when\nwe awake on a sudden. I could not recover myself in some time, till the\ngovernor assured me, “that I should receive no hurt;” and observing my\ntwo companions to be under no concern, who had been often entertained\nin the same manner, I began to take courage, and related to his\nhighness a short history of my several adventures; yet not without some\nhesitation, and frequently looking behind me to the place where I had\nseen those domestic spectres. I had the honour to dine with the\ngovernor, where a new set of ghosts served up the meat, and waited at\ntable. I now observed myself to be less terrified than I had been in\nthe morning. I stayed till sunset, but humbly desired his highness to\nexcuse me for not accepting his invitation of lodging in the palace. My\ntwo friends and I lay at a private house in the town adjoining, which\nis the capital of this little island; and the next morning we returned\nto pay our duty to the governor, as he was pleased to command us.\n\nAfter this manner we continued in the island for ten days, most part of\nevery day with the governor, and at night in our lodging. I soon grew\nso familiarized to the sight of spirits, that after the third or fourth\ntime they gave me no emotion at all: or, if I had any apprehensions\nleft, my curiosity prevailed over them. For his highness the governor\nordered me “to call up whatever persons I would choose to name, and in\nwhatever numbers, among all the dead from the beginning of the world to\nthe present time, and command them to answer any questions I should\nthink fit to ask; with this condition, that my questions must be\nconfined within the compass of the times they lived in. And one thing I\nmight depend upon, that they would certainly tell me the truth, for\nlying was a talent of no use in the lower world.”\n\nI made my humble acknowledgments to his highness for so great a favour.\nWe were in a chamber, from whence there was a fair prospect into the\npark. And because my first inclination was to be entertained with\nscenes of pomp and magnificence, I desired to see Alexander the Great\nat the head of his army, just after the battle of Arbela: which, upon a\nmotion of the governor’s finger, immediately appeared in a large field,\nunder the window where we stood. Alexander was called up into the room:\nit was with great difficulty that I understood his Greek, and had but\nlittle of my own. He assured me upon his honour “that he was not\npoisoned, but died of a bad fever by excessive drinking.”\n\nNext, I saw Hannibal passing the Alps, who told me “he had not a drop\nof vinegar in his camp.”\n\nI saw Cæsar and Pompey at the head of their troops, just ready to\nengage. I saw the former, in his last great triumph. I desired that the\nsenate of Rome might appear before me, in one large chamber, and an\nassembly of somewhat a later age in counterview, in another. The first\nseemed to be an assembly of heroes and demigods; the other, a knot of\npedlars, pick-pockets, highwaymen, and bullies.\n\nThe governor, at my request, gave the sign for Cæsar and Brutus to\nadvance towards us. I was struck with a profound veneration at the\nsight of Brutus, and could easily discover the most consummate virtue,\nthe greatest intrepidity and firmness of mind, the truest love of his\ncountry, and general benevolence for mankind, in every lineament of his\ncountenance. I observed, with much pleasure, that these two persons\nwere in good intelligence with each other; and Cæsar freely confessed\nto me, “that the greatest actions of his own life were not equal, by\nmany degrees, to the glory of taking it away.” I had the honour to have\nmuch conversation with Brutus; and was told, “that his ancestor Junius,\nSocrates, Epaminondas, Cato the younger, Sir Thomas More, and himself\nwere perpetually together:” a sextumvirate, to which all the ages of\nthe world cannot add a seventh.\n\nIt would be tedious to trouble the reader with relating what vast\nnumbers of illustrious persons were called up to gratify that\ninsatiable desire I had to see the world in every period of antiquity\nplaced before me. I chiefly fed my eyes with beholding the destroyers\nof tyrants and usurpers, and the restorers of liberty to oppressed and\ninjured nations. But it is impossible to express the satisfaction I\nreceived in my own mind, after such a manner as to make it a suitable\nentertainment to the reader.\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII.\n\nA further account of Glubbdubdrib. Ancient and modern history\ncorrected.\n\n\nHaving a desire to see those ancients who were most renowned for wit\nand learning, I set apart one day on purpose. I proposed that Homer and\nAristotle might appear at the head of all their commentators; but these\nwere so numerous, that some hundreds were forced to attend in the\ncourt, and outward rooms of the palace. I knew, and could distinguish\nthose two heroes, at first sight, not only from the crowd, but from\neach other. Homer was the taller and comelier person of the two, walked\nvery erect for one of his age, and his eyes were the most quick and\npiercing I ever beheld. Aristotle stooped much, and made use of a\nstaff. His visage was meagre, his hair lank and thin, and his voice\nhollow. I soon discovered that both of them were perfect strangers to\nthe rest of the company, and had never seen or heard of them before;\nand I had a whisper from a ghost who shall be nameless, “that these\ncommentators always kept in the most distant quarters from their\nprincipals, in the lower world, through a consciousness of shame and\nguilt, because they had so horribly misrepresented the meaning of those\nauthors to posterity.” I introduced Didymus and Eustathius to Homer,\nand prevailed on him to treat them better than perhaps they deserved,\nfor he soon found they wanted a genius to enter into the spirit of a\npoet. But Aristotle was out of all patience with the account I gave him\nof Scotus and Ramus, as I presented them to him; and he asked them,\n“whether the rest of the tribe were as great dunces as themselves?”\n\nI then desired the governor to call up Descartes and Gassendi, with\nwhom I prevailed to explain their systems to Aristotle. This great\nphilosopher freely acknowledged his own mistakes in natural philosophy,\nbecause he proceeded in many things upon conjecture, as all men must\ndo; and he found that Gassendi, who had made the doctrine of Epicurus\nas palatable as he could, and the _vortices_ of Descartes, were equally\nto be exploded. He predicted the same fate to _attraction_, whereof the\npresent learned are such zealous asserters. He said, “that new systems\nof nature were but new fashions, which would vary in every age; and\neven those, who pretend to demonstrate them from mathematical\nprinciples, would flourish but a short period of time, and be out of\nvogue when that was determined.”\n\nI spent five days in conversing with many others of the ancient\nlearned. I saw most of the first Roman emperors. I prevailed on the\ngovernor to call up Heliogabalus’s cooks to dress us a dinner, but they\ncould not show us much of their skill, for want of materials. A helot\nof Agesilaus made us a dish of Spartan broth, but I was not able to get\ndown a second spoonful.\n\nThe two gentlemen, who conducted me to the island, were pressed by\ntheir private affairs to return in three days, which I employed in\nseeing some of the modern dead, who had made the greatest figure, for\ntwo or three hundred years past, in our own and other countries of\nEurope; and having been always a great admirer of old illustrious\nfamilies, I desired the governor would call up a dozen or two of kings,\nwith their ancestors in order for eight or nine generations. But my\ndisappointment was grievous and unexpected. For, instead of a long\ntrain with royal diadems, I saw in one family two fiddlers, three\nspruce courtiers, and an Italian prelate. In another, a barber, an\nabbot, and two cardinals. I have too great a veneration for crowned\nheads, to dwell any longer on so nice a subject. But as to counts,\nmarquises, dukes, earls, and the like, I was not so scrupulous. And I\nconfess, it was not without some pleasure, that I found myself able to\ntrace the particular features, by which certain families are\ndistinguished, up to their originals. I could plainly discover whence\none family derives a long chin; why a second has abounded with knaves\nfor two generations, and fools for two more; why a third happened to be\ncrack-brained, and a fourth to be sharpers; whence it came, what\nPolydore Virgil says of a certain great house, _Nec vir fortis_, _nec\nfemina casta_; how cruelty, falsehood, and cowardice, grew to be\ncharacteristics by which certain families are distinguished as much as\nby their coats of arms; who first brought the pox into a noble house,\nwhich has lineally descended scrofulous tumours to their posterity.\nNeither could I wonder at all this, when I saw such an interruption of\nlineages, by pages, lackeys, valets, coachmen, gamesters, fiddlers,\nplayers, captains, and pickpockets.\n\nI was chiefly disgusted with modern history. For having strictly\nexamined all the persons of greatest name in the courts of princes, for\na hundred years past, I found how the world had been misled by\nprostitute writers, to ascribe the greatest exploits in war, to\ncowards; the wisest counsel, to fools; sincerity, to flatterers; Roman\nvirtue, to betrayers of their country; piety, to atheists; chastity, to\nsodomites; truth, to informers: how many innocent and excellent persons\nhad been condemned to death or banishment by the practising of great\nministers upon the corruption of judges, and the malice of factions:\nhow many villains had been exalted to the highest places of trust,\npower, dignity, and profit: how great a share in the motions and events\nof courts, councils, and senates might be challenged by bawds, whores,\npimps, parasites, and buffoons. How low an opinion I had of human\nwisdom and integrity, when I was truly informed of the springs and\nmotives of great enterprises and revolutions in the world, and of the\ncontemptible accidents to which they owed their success.\n\nHere I discovered the roguery and ignorance of those who pretend to\nwrite anecdotes, or secret history; who send so many kings to their\ngraves with a cup of poison; will repeat the discourse between a prince\nand chief minister, where no witness was by; unlock the thoughts and\ncabinets of ambassadors and secretaries of state; and have the\nperpetual misfortune to be mistaken. Here I discovered the true causes\nof many great events that have surprised the world; how a whore can\ngovern the back-stairs, the back-stairs a council, and the council a\nsenate. A general confessed, in my presence, “that he got a victory\npurely by the force of cowardice and ill conduct;” and an admiral,\n“that, for want of proper intelligence, he beat the enemy, to whom he\nintended to betray the fleet.” Three kings protested to me, “that in\ntheir whole reigns they never did once prefer any person of merit,\nunless by mistake, or treachery of some minister in whom they confided;\nneither would they do it if they were to live again:” and they showed,\nwith great strength of reason, “that the royal throne could not be\nsupported without corruption, because that positive, confident, restiff\ntemper, which virtue infused into a man, was a perpetual clog to public\nbusiness.”\n\nI had the curiosity to inquire in a particular manner, by what methods\ngreat numbers had procured to themselves high titles of honour, and\nprodigious estates; and I confined my inquiry to a very modern period:\nhowever, without grating upon present times, because I would be sure to\ngive no offence even to foreigners (for I hope the reader need not be\ntold, that I do not in the least intend my own country, in what I say\nupon this occasion,) a great number of persons concerned were called\nup; and, upon a very slight examination, discovered such a scene of\ninfamy, that I cannot reflect upon it without some seriousness.\nPerjury, oppression, subornation, fraud, pandarism, and the like\ninfirmities, were among the most excusable arts they had to mention;\nand for these I gave, as it was reasonable, great allowance. But when\nsome confessed they owed their greatness and wealth to sodomy, or\nincest; others, to the prostituting of their own wives and daughters;\nothers, to the betraying of their country or their prince; some, to\npoisoning; more to the perverting of justice, in order to destroy the\ninnocent, I hope I may be pardoned, if these discoveries inclined me a\nlittle to abate of that profound veneration, which I am naturally apt\nto pay to persons of high rank, who ought to be treated with the utmost\nrespect due to their sublime dignity, by us their inferiors.\n\nI had often read of some great services done to princes and states, and\ndesired to see the persons by whom those services were performed. Upon\ninquiry I was told, “that their names were to be found on no record,\nexcept a few of them, whom history has represented as the vilest of\nrogues and traitors.” As to the rest, I had never once heard of them.\nThey all appeared with dejected looks, and in the meanest habit; most\nof them telling me, “they died in poverty and disgrace, and the rest on\na scaffold or a gibbet.”\n\nAmong others, there was one person, whose case appeared a little\nsingular. He had a youth about eighteen years old standing by his side.\nHe told me, “he had for many years been commander of a ship; and in the\nsea fight at Actium had the good fortune to break through the enemy’s\ngreat line of battle, sink three of their capital ships, and take a\nfourth, which was the sole cause of Antony’s flight, and of the victory\nthat ensued; that the youth standing by him, his only son, was killed\nin the action.” He added, “that upon the confidence of some merit, the\nwar being at an end, he went to Rome, and solicited at the court of\nAugustus to be preferred to a greater ship, whose commander had been\nkilled; but, without any regard to his pretensions, it was given to a\nboy who had never seen the sea, the son of Libertina, who waited on one\nof the emperor’s mistresses. Returning back to his own vessel, he was\ncharged with neglect of duty, and the ship given to a favourite page of\nPublicola, the vice-admiral; whereupon he retired to a poor farm at a\ngreat distance from Rome, and there ended his life.” I was so curious\nto know the truth of this story, that I desired Agrippa might be\ncalled, who was admiral in that fight. He appeared, and confirmed the\nwhole account: but with much more advantage to the captain, whose\nmodesty had extenuated or concealed a great part of his merit.\n\nI was surprised to find corruption grown so high and so quick in that\nempire, by the force of luxury so lately introduced; which made me less\nwonder at many parallel cases in other countries, where vices of all\nkinds have reigned so much longer, and where the whole praise, as well\nas pillage, has been engrossed by the chief commander, who perhaps had\nthe least title to either.\n\nAs every person called up made exactly the same appearance he had done\nin the world, it gave me melancholy reflections to observe how much the\nrace of humankind was degenerated among us within these hundred years\npast; how the pox, under all its consequences and denominations had\naltered every lineament of an English countenance; shortened the size\nof bodies, unbraced the nerves, relaxed the sinews and muscles,\nintroduced a sallow complexion, and rendered the flesh loose and\nrancid.\n\nI descended so low, as to desire some English yeoman of the old stamp\nmight be summoned to appear; once so famous for the simplicity of their\nmanners, diet, and dress; for justice in their dealings; for their true\nspirit of liberty; for their valour, and love of their country. Neither\ncould I be wholly unmoved, after comparing the living with the dead,\nwhen I considered how all these pure native virtues were prostituted\nfor a piece of money by their grand-children; who, in selling their\nvotes and managing at elections, have acquired every vice and\ncorruption that can possibly be learned in a court.\n\n\nCHAPTER IX.\n\nThe author returns to Maldonada. Sails to the kingdom of Luggnagg. The\nauthor confined. He is sent for to court. The manner of his admittance.\nThe king’s great lenity to his subjects.\n\n\nThe day of our departure being come, I took leave of his highness, the\nGovernor of Glubbdubdrib, and returned with my two companions to\nMaldonada, where, after a fortnight’s waiting, a ship was ready to sail\nfor Luggnagg. The two gentlemen, and some others, were so generous and\nkind as to furnish me with provisions, and see me on board. I was a\nmonth in this voyage. We had one violent storm, and were under a\nnecessity of steering westward to get into the trade wind, which holds\nfor above sixty leagues. On the 21st of April, 1708, we sailed into the\nriver of Clumegnig, which is a seaport town, at the south-east point of\nLuggnagg. We cast anchor within a league of the town, and made a signal\nfor a pilot. Two of them came on board in less than half an hour, by\nwhom we were guided between certain shoals and rocks, which are very\ndangerous in the passage, to a large basin, where a fleet may ride in\nsafety within a cable’s length of the town-wall.\n\nSome of our sailors, whether out of treachery or inadvertence, had\ninformed the pilots “that I was a stranger, and great traveller;”\nwhereof these gave notice to a custom-house officer, by whom I was\nexamined very strictly upon my landing. This officer spoke to me in the\nlanguage of Balnibarbi, which, by the force of much commerce, is\ngenerally understood in that town, especially by seamen and those\nemployed in the customs. I gave him a short account of some\nparticulars, and made my story as plausible and consistent as I could;\nbut I thought it necessary to disguise my country, and call myself a\nHollander; because my intentions were for Japan, and I knew the Dutch\nwere the only Europeans permitted to enter into that kingdom. I\ntherefore told the officer, “that having been shipwrecked on the coast\nof Balnibarbi, and cast on a rock, I was received up into Laputa, or\nthe flying island (of which he had often heard), and was now\nendeavouring to get to Japan, whence I might find a convenience of\nreturning to my own country.” The officer said, “I must be confined\ntill he could receive orders from court, for which he would write\nimmediately, and hoped to receive an answer in a fortnight.” I was\ncarried to a convenient lodging with a sentry placed at the door;\nhowever, I had the liberty of a large garden, and was treated with\nhumanity enough, being maintained all the time at the king’s charge. I\nwas invited by several persons, chiefly out of curiosity, because it\nwas reported that I came from countries very remote, of which they had\nnever heard.\n\nI hired a young man, who came in the same ship, to be an interpreter;\nhe was a native of Luggnagg, but had lived some years at Maldonada, and\nwas a perfect master of both languages. By his assistance, I was able\nto hold a conversation with those who came to visit me; but this\nconsisted only of their questions, and my answers.\n\nThe despatch came from court about the time we expected. It contained a\nwarrant for conducting me and my retinue to _Traldragdubh_, or\n_Trildrogdrib_ (for it is pronounced both ways as near as I can\nremember), by a party of ten horse. All my retinue was that poor lad\nfor an interpreter, whom I persuaded into my service, and, at my humble\nrequest, we had each of us a mule to ride on. A messenger was\ndespatched half a day’s journey before us, to give the king notice of\nmy approach, and to desire, “that his majesty would please to appoint a\nday and hour, when it would by his gracious pleasure that I might have\nthe honour to lick the dust before his footstool.” This is the court\nstyle, and I found it to be more than matter of form: for, upon my\nadmittance two days after my arrival, I was commanded to crawl upon my\nbelly, and lick the floor as I advanced; but, on account of my being a\nstranger, care was taken to have it made so clean, that the dust was\nnot offensive. However, this was a peculiar grace, not allowed to any\nbut persons of the highest rank, when they desire an admittance. Nay,\nsometimes the floor is strewed with dust on purpose, when the person to\nbe admitted happens to have powerful enemies at court; and I have seen\na great lord with his mouth so crammed, that when he had crept to the\nproper distance from the throne; he was not able to speak a word.\nNeither is there any remedy; because it is capital for those, who\nreceive an audience to spit or wipe their mouths in his majesty’s\npresence. There is indeed another custom, which I cannot altogether\napprove of: when the king has a mind to put any of his nobles to death\nin a gentle indulgent manner, he commands the floor to be strewed with\na certain brown powder of a deadly composition, which being licked up,\ninfallibly kills him in twenty-four hours. But in justice to this\nprince’s great clemency, and the care he has of his subjects’ lives\n(wherein it were much to be wished that the Monarchs of Europe would\nimitate him), it must be mentioned for his honour, that strict orders\nare given to have the infected parts of the floor well washed after\nevery such execution, which, if his domestics neglect, they are in\ndanger of incurring his royal displeasure. I myself heard him give\ndirections, that one of his pages should be whipped, whose turn it was\nto give notice about washing the floor after an execution, but\nmaliciously had omitted it; by which neglect a young lord of great\nhopes, coming to an audience, was unfortunately poisoned, although the\nking at that time had no design against his life. But this good prince\nwas so gracious as to forgive the poor page his whipping, upon promise\nthat he would do so no more, without special orders.\n\nTo return from this digression. When I had crept within four yards of\nthe throne, I raised myself gently upon my knees, and then striking my\nforehead seven times against the ground, I pronounced the following\nwords, as they had been taught me the night before, _Ickpling\ngloffthrobb squutserumm blhiop mlashnalt zwin tnodbalkguffh slhiophad\ngurdlubh asht_. This is the compliment, established by the laws of the\nland, for all persons admitted to the king’s presence. It may be\nrendered into English thus: “May your celestial majesty outlive the\nsun, eleven moons and a half!” To this the king returned some answer,\nwhich, although I could not understand, yet I replied as I had been\ndirected: _Fluft drin yalerick dwuldom prastrad mirpush_, which\nproperly signifies, “My tongue is in the mouth of my friend;” and by\nthis expression was meant, that I desired leave to bring my\ninterpreter; whereupon the young man already mentioned was accordingly\nintroduced, by whose intervention I answered as many questions as his\nmajesty could put in above an hour. I spoke in the Balnibarbian tongue,\nand my interpreter delivered my meaning in that of Luggnagg.\n\nThe king was much delighted with my company, and ordered his\n_bliffmarklub_, or high-chamberlain, to appoint a lodging in the court\nfor me and my interpreter; with a daily allowance for my table, and a\nlarge purse of gold for my common expenses.\n\nI staid three months in this country, out of perfect obedience to his\nmajesty; who was pleased highly to favour me, and made me very\nhonourable offers. But I thought it more consistent with prudence and\njustice to pass the remainder of my days with my wife and family.\n\n\nCHAPTER X.\n\nThe Luggnaggians commended. A particular description of the\nStruldbrugs, with many conversations between the author and some\neminent persons upon that subject.\n\n\nThe Luggnaggians are a polite and generous people; and although they\nare not without some share of that pride which is peculiar to all\nEastern countries, yet they show themselves courteous to strangers,\nespecially such who are countenanced by the court. I had many\nacquaintance, and among persons of the best fashion; and being always\nattended by my interpreter, the conversation we had was not\ndisagreeable.\n\nOne day, in much good company, I was asked by a person of quality,\n“whether I had seen any of their _struldbrugs_, or immortals?” I said,\n“I had not;” and desired he would explain to me “what he meant by such\nan appellation, applied to a mortal creature.” He told me “that\nsometimes, though very rarely, a child happened to be born in a family,\nwith a red circular spot in the forehead, directly over the left\neyebrow, which was an infallible mark that it should never die.” The\nspot, as he described it, “was about the compass of a silver\nthreepence, but in the course of time grew larger, and changed its\ncolour; for at twelve years old it became green, so continued till five\nand twenty, then turned to a deep blue: at five and forty it grew coal\nblack, and as large as an English shilling; but never admitted any\nfurther alteration.” He said, “these births were so rare, that he did\nnot believe there could be above eleven hundred struldbrugs, of both\nsexes, in the whole kingdom; of which he computed about fifty in the\nmetropolis, and, among the rest, a young girl born; about three years\nago: that these productions were not peculiar to any family, but a mere\neffect of chance; and the children of the _struldbrugs_ themselves were\nequally mortal with the rest of the people.”\n\nI freely own myself to have been struck with inexpressible delight,\nupon hearing this account: and the person who gave it me happening to\nunderstand the Balnibarbian language, which I spoke very well, I could\nnot forbear breaking out into expressions, perhaps a little too\nextravagant. I cried out, as in a rapture, “Happy nation, where every\nchild hath at least a chance for being immortal! Happy people, who\nenjoy so many living examples of ancient virtue, and have masters ready\nto instruct them in the wisdom of all former ages! but happiest, beyond\nall comparison, are those excellent _struldbrugs_, who, being born\nexempt from that universal calamity of human nature, have their minds\nfree and disengaged, without the weight and depression of spirits\ncaused by the continual apprehensions of death!” I discovered my\nadmiration, “that I had not observed any of these illustrious persons\nat court; the black spot on the forehead being so remarkable a\ndistinction, that I could not have easily overlooked it: and it was\nimpossible that his majesty, a most judicious prince, should not\nprovide himself with a good number of such wise and able counsellors.\nYet perhaps the virtue of those reverend sages was too strict for the\ncorrupt and libertine manners of a court: and we often find by\nexperience, that young men are too opinionated and volatile to be\nguided by the sober dictates of their seniors. However, since the king\nwas pleased to allow me access to his royal person, I was resolved,\nupon the very first occasion, to deliver my opinion to him on this\nmatter freely and at large, by the help of my interpreter; and whether\nhe would please to take my advice or not, yet in one thing I was\ndetermined, that his majesty having frequently offered me an\nestablishment in this country, I would, with great thankfulness, accept\nthe favour, and pass my life here in the conversation of those superior\nbeings the _struldbrugs_, if they would please to admit me.”\n\nThe gentleman to whom I addressed my discourse, because (as I have\nalready observed) he spoke the language of Balnibarbi, said to me, with\na sort of a smile which usually arises from pity to the ignorant, “that\nhe was glad of any occasion to keep me among them, and desired my\npermission to explain to the company what I had spoke.” He did so, and\nthey talked together for some time in their own language, whereof I\nunderstood not a syllable, neither could I observe by their\ncountenances, what impression my discourse had made on them. After a\nshort silence, the same person told me, “that his friends and mine (so\nhe thought fit to express himself) were very much pleased with the\njudicious remarks I had made on the great happiness and advantages of\nimmortal life, and they were desirous to know, in a particular manner,\nwhat scheme of living I should have formed to myself, if it had fallen\nto my lot to have been born a _struldbrug_.”\n\nI answered, “it was easy to be eloquent on so copious and delightful a\nsubject, especially to me, who had been often apt to amuse myself with\nvisions of what I should do, if I were a king, a general, or a great\nlord: and upon this very case, I had frequently run over the whole\nsystem how I should employ myself, and pass the time, if I were sure to\nlive for ever.\n\n“That, if it had been my good fortune to come into the world a\n_struldbrug_, as soon as I could discover my own happiness, by\nunderstanding the difference between life and death, I would first\nresolve, by all arts and methods, whatsoever, to procure myself riches.\nIn the pursuit of which, by thrift and management, I might reasonably\nexpect, in about two hundred years, to be the wealthiest man in the\nkingdom. In the second place, I would, from my earliest youth, apply\nmyself to the study of arts and sciences, by which I should arrive in\ntime to excel all others in learning. Lastly, I would carefully record\nevery action and event of consequence, that happened in the public,\nimpartially draw the characters of the several successions of princes\nand great ministers of state, with my own observations on every point.\nI would exactly set down the several changes in customs, language,\nfashions of dress, diet, and diversions. By all which acquirements, I\nshould be a living treasure of knowledge and wisdom, and certainly\nbecome the oracle of the nation.\n\n“I would never marry after threescore, but live in a hospitable manner,\nyet still on the saving side. I would entertain myself in forming and\ndirecting the minds of hopeful young men, by convincing them, from my\nown remembrance, experience, and observation, fortified by numerous\nexamples, of the usefulness of virtue in public and private life. But\nmy choice and constant companions should be a set of my own immortal\nbrotherhood; among whom, I would elect a dozen from the most ancient,\ndown to my own contemporaries. Where any of these wanted fortunes, I\nwould provide them with convenient lodges round my own estate, and have\nsome of them always at my table; only mingling a few of the most\nvaluable among you mortals, whom length of time would harden me to lose\nwith little or no reluctance, and treat your posterity after the same\nmanner; just as a man diverts himself with the annual succession of\npinks and tulips in his garden, without regretting the loss of those\nwhich withered the preceding year.\n\n“These _struldbrugs_ and I would mutually communicate our observations\nand memorials, through the course of time; remark the several\ngradations by which corruption steals into the world, and oppose it in\nevery step, by giving perpetual warning and instruction to mankind;\nwhich, added to the strong influence of our own example, would probably\nprevent that continual degeneracy of human nature so justly complained\nof in all ages.\n\n“Add to this, the pleasure of seeing the various revolutions of states\nand empires; the changes in the lower and upper world; ancient cities\nin ruins, and obscure villages become the seats of kings; famous rivers\nlessening into shallow brooks; the ocean leaving one coast dry, and\noverwhelming another; the discovery of many countries yet unknown;\nbarbarity overrunning the politest nations, and the most barbarous\nbecome civilized. I should then see the discovery of the longitude, the\nperpetual motion, the universal medicine, and many other great\ninventions, brought to the utmost perfection.\n\n“What wonderful discoveries should we make in astronomy, by outliving\nand confirming our own predictions; by observing the progress and\nreturn of comets, with the changes of motion in the sun, moon, and\nstars!”\n\nI enlarged upon many other topics, which the natural desire of endless\nlife, and sublunary happiness, could easily furnish me with. When I had\nended, and the sum of my discourse had been interpreted, as before, to\nthe rest of the company, there was a good deal of talk among them in\nthe language of the country, not without some laughter at my expense.\nAt last, the same gentleman who had been my interpreter, said, “he was\ndesired by the rest to set me right in a few mistakes, which I had\nfallen into through the common imbecility of human nature, and upon\nthat allowance was less answerable for them. That this breed of\n_struldbrugs_ was peculiar to their country, for there were no such\npeople either in Balnibarbi or Japan, where he had the honour to be\nambassador from his majesty, and found the natives in both those\nkingdoms very hard to believe that the fact was possible: and it\nappeared from my astonishment when he first mentioned the matter to me,\nthat I received it as a thing wholly new, and scarcely to be credited.\nThat in the two kingdoms above mentioned, where, during his residence,\nhe had conversed very much, he observed long life to be the universal\ndesire and wish of mankind. That whoever had one foot in the grave was\nsure to hold back the other as strongly as he could. That the oldest\nhad still hopes of living one day longer, and looked on death as the\ngreatest evil, from which nature always prompted him to retreat. Only\nin this island of Luggnagg the appetite for living was not so eager,\nfrom the continual example of the _struldbrugs_ before their eyes.\n\n“That the system of living contrived by me, was unreasonable and\nunjust; because it supposed a perpetuity of youth, health, and vigour,\nwhich no man could be so foolish to hope, however extravagant he may be\nin his wishes. That the question therefore was not, whether a man would\nchoose to be always in the prime of youth, attended with prosperity and\nhealth; but how he would pass a perpetual life under all the usual\ndisadvantages which old age brings along with it. For although few men\nwill avow their desires of being immortal, upon such hard conditions,\nyet in the two kingdoms before mentioned, of Balnibarbi and Japan, he\nobserved that every man desired to put off death some time longer, let\nit approach ever so late: and he rarely heard of any man who died\nwillingly, except he were incited by the extremity of grief or torture.\nAnd he appealed to me, whether in those countries I had travelled, as\nwell as my own, I had not observed the same general disposition.”\n\nAfter this preface, he gave me a particular account of the\n_struldbrugs_ among them. He said, “they commonly acted like mortals\ntill about thirty years old; after which, by degrees, they grew\nmelancholy and dejected, increasing in both till they came to\nfourscore. This he learned from their own confession: for otherwise,\nthere not being above two or three of that species born in an age, they\nwere too few to form a general observation by. When they came to\nfourscore years, which is reckoned the extremity of living in this\ncountry, they had not only all the follies and infirmities of other old\nmen, but many more which arose from the dreadful prospect of never\ndying. They were not only opinionative, peevish, covetous, morose,\nvain, talkative, but incapable of friendship, and dead to all natural\naffection, which never descended below their grandchildren. Envy and\nimpotent desires are their prevailing passions. But those objects\nagainst which their envy seems principally directed, are the vices of\nthe younger sort and the deaths of the old. By reflecting on the\nformer, they find themselves cut off from all possibility of pleasure;\nand whenever they see a funeral, they lament and repine that others\nhave gone to a harbour of rest to which they themselves never can hope\nto arrive. They have no remembrance of anything but what they learned\nand observed in their youth and middle-age, and even that is very\nimperfect; and for the truth or particulars of any fact, it is safer to\ndepend on common tradition, than upon their best recollections. The\nleast miserable among them appear to be those who turn to dotage, and\nentirely lose their memories; these meet with more pity and assistance,\nbecause they want many bad qualities which abound in others.\n\n“If a _struldbrug_ happen to marry one of his own kind, the marriage is\ndissolved of course, by the courtesy of the kingdom, as soon as the\nyounger of the two comes to be fourscore; for the law thinks it a\nreasonable indulgence, that those who are condemned, without any fault\nof their own, to a perpetual continuance in the world, should not have\ntheir misery doubled by the load of a wife.\n\n“As soon as they have completed the term of eighty years, they are\nlooked on as dead in law; their heirs immediately succeed to their\nestates; only a small pittance is reserved for their support; and the\npoor ones are maintained at the public charge. After that period, they\nare held incapable of any employment of trust or profit; they cannot\npurchase lands, or take leases; neither are they allowed to be\nwitnesses in any cause, either civil or criminal, not even for the\ndecision of meers and bounds.\n\n“At ninety, they lose their teeth and hair; they have at that age no\ndistinction of taste, but eat and drink whatever they can get, without\nrelish or appetite. The diseases they were subject to still continue,\nwithout increasing or diminishing. In talking, they forget the common\nappellation of things, and the names of persons, even of those who are\ntheir nearest friends and relations. For the same reason, they never\ncan amuse themselves with reading, because their memory will not serve\nto carry them from the beginning of a sentence to the end; and by this\ndefect, they are deprived of the only entertainment whereof they might\notherwise be capable.\n\n“The language of this country being always upon the flux, the\n_struldbrugs_ of one age do not understand those of another; neither\nare they able, after two hundred years, to hold any conversation\n(farther than by a few general words) with their neighbours the\nmortals; and thus they lie under the disadvantage of living like\nforeigners in their own country.”\n\nThis was the account given me of the _struldbrugs_, as near as I can\nremember. I afterwards saw five or six of different ages, the youngest\nnot above two hundred years old, who were brought to me at several\ntimes by some of my friends; but although they were told, “that I was a\ngreat traveller, and had seen all the world,” they had not the least\ncuriosity to ask me a question; only desired “I would give them\n_slumskudask_,” or a token of remembrance; which is a modest way of\nbegging, to avoid the law, that strictly forbids it, because they are\nprovided for by the public, although indeed with a very scanty\nallowance.\n\nThey are despised and hated by all sorts of people. When one of them is\nborn, it is reckoned ominous, and their birth is recorded very\nparticularly so that you may know their age by consulting the register,\nwhich, however, has not been kept above a thousand years past, or at\nleast has been destroyed by time or public disturbances. But the usual\nway of computing how old they are, is by asking them what kings or\ngreat persons they can remember, and then consulting history; for\ninfallibly the last prince in their mind did not begin his reign after\nthey were fourscore years old.\n\nThey were the most mortifying sight I ever beheld; and the women more\nhorrible than the men. Besides the usual deformities in extreme old\nage, they acquired an additional ghastliness, in proportion to their\nnumber of years, which is not to be described; and among half a dozen,\nI soon distinguished which was the eldest, although there was not above\na century or two between them.\n\nThe reader will easily believe, that from what I had heard and seen, my\nkeen appetite for perpetuity of life was much abated. I grew heartily\nashamed of the pleasing visions I had formed; and thought no tyrant\ncould invent a death into which I would not run with pleasure, from\nsuch a life. The king heard of all that had passed between me and my\nfriends upon this occasion, and rallied me very pleasantly; wishing I\ncould send a couple of _struldbrugs_ to my own country, to arm our\npeople against the fear of death; but this, it seems, is forbidden by\nthe fundamental laws of the kingdom, or else I should have been well\ncontent with the trouble and expense of transporting them.\n\nI could not but agree, that the laws of this kingdom relative to the\n_struldbrugs_ were founded upon the strongest reasons, and such as any\nother country would be under the necessity of enacting, in the like\ncircumstances. Otherwise, as avarice is the necessary consequence of\nold age, those immortals would in time become proprietors of the whole\nnation, and engross the civil power, which, for want of abilities to\nmanage, must end in the ruin of the public.\n\n\nCHAPTER XI.\n\nThe author leaves Luggnagg, and sails to Japan. From thence he returns\nin a Dutch ship to Amsterdam, and from Amsterdam to England.\n\n\nI thought this account of the _struldbrugs_ might be some entertainment\nto the reader, because it seems to be a little out of the common way;\nat least I do not remember to have met the like in any book of travels\nthat has come to my hands; and if I am deceived, my excuse must be,\nthat it is necessary for travellers who describe the same country, very\noften to agree in dwelling on the same particulars, without deserving\nthe censure of having borrowed or transcribed from those who wrote\nbefore them.\n\nThere is indeed a perpetual commerce between this kingdom and the great\nempire of Japan; and it is very probable, that the Japanese authors may\nhave given some account of the _struldbrugs_; but my stay in Japan was\nso short, and I was so entirely a stranger to the language, that I was\nnot qualified to make any inquiries. But I hope the Dutch, upon this\nnotice, will be curious and able enough to supply my defects.\n\nHis majesty having often pressed me to accept some employment in his\ncourt, and finding me absolutely determined to return to my native\ncountry, was pleased to give me his license to depart; and honoured me\nwith a letter of recommendation, under his own hand, to the Emperor of\nJapan. He likewise presented me with four hundred and forty-four large\npieces of gold (this nation delighting in even numbers), and a red\ndiamond, which I sold in England for eleven hundred pounds.\n\nOn the 6th day of May, 1709, I took a solemn leave of his majesty, and\nall my friends. This prince was so gracious as to order a guard to\nconduct me to Glanguenstald, which is a royal port to the south-west\npart of the island. In six days I found a vessel ready to carry me to\nJapan, and spent fifteen days in the voyage. We landed at a small\nport-town called Xamoschi, situated on the south-east part of Japan;\nthe town lies on the western point, where there is a narrow strait\nleading northward into a long arm of the sea, upon the north-west part\nof which, Yedo, the metropolis, stands. At landing, I showed the\ncustom-house officers my letter from the king of Luggnagg to his\nimperial majesty. They knew the seal perfectly well; it was as broad as\nthe palm of my hand. The impression was, _A king lifting up a lame\nbeggar from the earth_. The magistrates of the town, hearing of my\nletter, received me as a public minister. They provided me with\ncarriages and servants, and bore my charges to Yedo; where I was\nadmitted to an audience, and delivered my letter, which was opened with\ngreat ceremony, and explained to the Emperor by an interpreter, who\nthen gave me notice, by his majesty’s order, “that I should signify my\nrequest, and, whatever it were, it should be granted, for the sake of\nhis royal brother of Luggnagg.” This interpreter was a person employed\nto transact affairs with the Hollanders. He soon conjectured, by my\ncountenance, that I was a European, and therefore repeated his\nmajesty’s commands in Low Dutch, which he spoke perfectly well. I\nanswered, as I had before determined, “that I was a Dutch merchant,\nshipwrecked in a very remote country, whence I had travelled by sea and\nland to Luggnagg, and then took shipping for Japan; where I knew my\ncountrymen often traded, and with some of these I hoped to get an\nopportunity of returning into Europe: I therefore most humbly entreated\nhis royal favour, to give order that I should be conducted in safety to\nNangasac.” To this I added another petition, “that for the sake of my\npatron the king of Luggnagg, his majesty would condescend to excuse my\nperforming the ceremony imposed on my countrymen, of trampling upon the\ncrucifix, because I had been thrown into his kingdom by my misfortunes,\nwithout any intention of trading.” When this latter petition was\ninterpreted to the Emperor, he seemed a little surprised; and said, “he\nbelieved I was the first of my countrymen who ever made any scruple in\nthis point; and that he began to doubt, whether I was a real Hollander,\nor not; but rather suspected I must be a Christian. However, for the\nreasons I had offered, but chiefly to gratify the king of Luggnagg by\nan uncommon mark of his favour, he would comply with the singularity of\nmy humour; but the affair must be managed with dexterity, and his\nofficers should be commanded to let me pass, as it were by\nforgetfulness. For he assured me, that if the secret should be\ndiscovered by my countrymen the Dutch, they would cut my throat in the\nvoyage.” I returned my thanks, by the interpreter, for so unusual a\nfavour; and some troops being at that time on their march to Nangasac,\nthe commanding officer had orders to convey me safe thither, with\nparticular instructions about the business of the crucifix.\n\nOn the 9th day of June, 1709, I arrived at Nangasac, after a very long\nand troublesome journey. I soon fell into the company of some Dutch\nsailors belonging to the Amboyna, of Amsterdam, a stout ship of 450\ntons. I had lived long in Holland, pursuing my studies at Leyden, and I\nspoke Dutch well. The seamen soon knew from whence I came last: they\nwere curious to inquire into my voyages and course of life. I made up a\nstory as short and probable as I could, but concealed the greatest\npart. I knew many persons in Holland. I was able to invent names for my\nparents, whom I pretended to be obscure people in the province of\nGelderland. I would have given the captain (one Theodorus Vangrult)\nwhat he pleased to ask for my voyage to Holland; but understanding I\nwas a surgeon, he was contented to take half the usual rate, on\ncondition that I would serve him in the way of my calling. Before we\ntook shipping, I was often asked by some of the crew, whether I had\nperformed the ceremony above mentioned. I evaded the question by\ngeneral answers; “that I had satisfied the Emperor and court in all\nparticulars.” However, a malicious rogue of a skipper went to an\nofficer, and pointing to me, told him, “I had not yet trampled on the\ncrucifix;” but the other, who had received instructions to let me pass,\ngave the rascal twenty strokes on the shoulders with a bamboo; after\nwhich I was no more troubled with such questions.\n\nNothing happened worth mentioning in this voyage. We sailed with a fair\nwind to the Cape of Good Hope, where we staid only to take in fresh\nwater. On the 10th of April, 1710, we arrived safe at Amsterdam, having\nlost only three men by sickness in the voyage, and a fourth, who fell\nfrom the foremast into the sea, not far from the coast of Guinea. From\nAmsterdam I soon after set sail for England, in a small vessel\nbelonging to that city.\n\nOn the 16th of April, 1710, we put in at the Downs. I landed next\nmorning, and saw once more my native country, after an absence of five\nyears and six months complete. I went straight to Redriff, where I\narrived the same day at two in the afternoon, and found my wife and\nfamily in good health.\n\n\nPART IV. A VOYAGE TO THE COUNTRY OF THE HOUYHNHNMS.\n\n\nCHAPTER I.\n\nThe author sets out as captain of a ship. His men conspire against him,\nconfine him a long time to his cabin, and set him on shore in an\nunknown land. He travels up into the country. The Yahoos, a strange\nsort of animal, described. The author meets two Houyhnhnms.\n\n\nI continued at home with my wife and children about five months in a\nvery happy condition, if I could have learned the lesson of knowing\nwhen I was well. I left my poor wife big with child, and accepted an\nadvantageous offer made me to be captain of the Adventurer, a stout\nmerchantman of 350 tons: for I understood navigation well, and being\ngrown weary of a surgeon’s employment at sea, which, however, I could\nexercise upon occasion, I took a skilful young man of that calling, one\nRobert Purefoy, into my ship. We set sail from Portsmouth upon the 7th\nday of August, 1710; on the 14th we met with Captain Pocock, of\nBristol, at Teneriffe, who was going to the bay of Campechy to cut\nlogwood. On the 16th, he was parted from us by a storm; I heard since\nmy return, that his ship foundered, and none escaped but one cabin boy.\nHe was an honest man, and a good sailor, but a little too positive in\nhis own opinions, which was the cause of his destruction, as it has\nbeen with several others; for if he had followed my advice, he might\nhave been safe at home with his family at this time, as well as myself.\n\nI had several men who died in my ship of calentures, so that I was\nforced to get recruits out of Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands, where\nI touched, by the direction of the merchants who employed me; which I\nhad soon too much cause to repent: for I found afterwards, that most of\nthem had been buccaneers. I had fifty hands on board; and my orders\nwere, that I should trade with the Indians in the South-Sea, and make\nwhat discoveries I could. These rogues, whom I had picked up, debauched\nmy other men, and they all formed a conspiracy to seize the ship, and\nsecure me; which they did one morning, rushing into my cabin, and\nbinding me hand and foot, threatening to throw me overboard, if I\noffered to stir. I told them, “I was their prisoner, and would submit.”\nThis they made me swear to do, and then they unbound me, only fastening\none of my legs with a chain, near my bed, and placed a sentry at my\ndoor with his piece charged, who was commanded to shoot me dead if I\nattempted my liberty. They sent me down victuals and drink, and took\nthe government of the ship to themselves. Their design was to turn\npirates, and plunder the Spaniards, which they could not do till they\ngot more men. But first they resolved to sell the goods in the ship,\nand then go to Madagascar for recruits, several among them having died\nsince my confinement. They sailed many weeks, and traded with the\nIndians; but I knew not what course they took, being kept a close\nprisoner in my cabin, and expecting nothing less than to be murdered,\nas they often threatened me.\n\nUpon the 9th day of May, 1711, one James Welch came down to my cabin,\nand said, “he had orders from the captain to set me ashore.” I\nexpostulated with him, but in vain; neither would he so much as tell me\nwho their new captain was. They forced me into the long-boat, letting\nme put on my best suit of clothes, which were as good as new, and take\na small bundle of linen, but no arms, except my hanger; and they were\nso civil as not to search my pockets, into which I conveyed what money\nI had, with some other little necessaries. They rowed about a league,\nand then set me down on a strand. I desired them to tell me what\ncountry it was. They all swore, “they knew no more than myself;” but\nsaid, “that the captain” (as they called him) “was resolved, after they\nhad sold the lading, to get rid of me in the first place where they\ncould discover land.” They pushed off immediately, advising me to make\nhaste for fear of being overtaken by the tide, and so bade me farewell.\n\nIn this desolate condition I advanced forward, and soon got upon firm\nground, where I sat down on a bank to rest myself, and consider what I\nhad best do. When I was a little refreshed, I went up into the country,\nresolving to deliver myself to the first savages I should meet, and\npurchase my life from them by some bracelets, glass rings, and other\ntoys, which sailors usually provide themselves with in those voyages,\nand whereof I had some about me. The land was divided by long rows of\ntrees, not regularly planted, but naturally growing; there was great\nplenty of grass, and several fields of oats. I walked very\ncircumspectly, for fear of being surprised, or suddenly shot with an\narrow from behind, or on either side. I fell into a beaten road, where\nI saw many tracts of human feet, and some of cows, but most of horses.\nAt last I beheld several animals in a field, and one or two of the same\nkind sitting in trees. Their shape was very singular and deformed,\nwhich a little discomposed me, so that I lay down behind a thicket to\nobserve them better. Some of them coming forward near the place where I\nlay, gave me an opportunity of distinctly marking their form. Their\nheads and breasts were covered with a thick hair, some frizzled, and\nothers lank; they had beards like goats, and a long ridge of hair down\ntheir backs, and the fore parts of their legs and feet; but the rest of\ntheir bodies was bare, so that I might see their skins, which were of a\nbrown buff colour. They had no tails, nor any hair at all on their\nbuttocks, except about the anus, which, I presume, nature had placed\nthere to defend them as they sat on the ground, for this posture they\nused, as well as lying down, and often stood on their hind feet. They\nclimbed high trees as nimbly as a squirrel, for they had strong\nextended claws before and behind, terminating in sharp points, and\nhooked. They would often spring, and bound, and leap, with prodigious\nagility. The females were not so large as the males; they had long lank\nhair on their heads, but none on their faces, nor any thing more than a\nsort of down on the rest of their bodies, except about the anus and\npudenda. The dugs hung between their forefeet, and often reached almost\nto the ground as they walked. The hair of both sexes was of several\ncolours, brown, red, black, and yellow. Upon the whole, I never beheld,\nin all my travels, so disagreeable an animal, or one against which I\nnaturally conceived so strong an antipathy. So that, thinking I had\nseen enough, full of contempt and aversion, I got up, and pursued the\nbeaten road, hoping it might direct me to the cabin of some Indian. I\nhad not got far, when I met one of these creatures full in my way, and\ncoming up directly to me. The ugly monster, when he saw me, distorted\nseveral ways, every feature of his visage, and stared, as at an object\nhe had never seen before; then approaching nearer, lifted up his\nfore-paw, whether out of curiosity or mischief I could not tell; but I\ndrew my hanger, and gave him a good blow with the flat side of it, for\nI durst not strike with the edge, fearing the inhabitants might be\nprovoked against me, if they should come to know that I had killed or\nmaimed any of their cattle. When the beast felt the smart, he drew\nback, and roared so loud, that a herd of at least forty came flocking\nabout me from the next field, howling and making odious faces; but I\nran to the body of a tree, and leaning my back against it, kept them\noff by waving my hanger. Several of this cursed brood, getting hold of\nthe branches behind, leaped up into the tree, whence they began to\ndischarge their excrements on my head; however, I escaped pretty well\nby sticking close to the stem of the tree, but was almost stifled with\nthe filth, which fell about me on every side.\n\nIn the midst of this distress, I observed them all to run away on a\nsudden as fast as they could; at which I ventured to leave the tree and\npursue the road, wondering what it was that could put them into this\nfright. But looking on my left hand, I saw a horse walking softly in\nthe field; which my persecutors having sooner discovered, was the cause\nof their flight. The horse started a little, when he came near me, but\nsoon recovering himself, looked full in my face with manifest tokens of\nwonder; he viewed my hands and feet, walking round me several times. I\nwould have pursued my journey, but he placed himself directly in the\nway, yet looking with a very mild aspect, never offering the least\nviolence. We stood gazing at each other for some time; at last I took\nthe boldness to reach my hand towards his neck with a design to stroke\nit, using the common style and whistle of jockeys, when they are going\nto handle a strange horse. But this animal seemed to receive my\ncivilities with disdain, shook his head, and bent his brows, softly\nraising up his right fore-foot to remove my hand. Then he neighed three\nor four times, but in so different a cadence, that I almost began to\nthink he was speaking to himself, in some language of his own.\n\nWhile he and I were thus employed, another horse came up; who applying\nhimself to the first in a very formal manner, they gently struck each\nother’s right hoof before, neighing several times by turns, and varying\nthe sound, which seemed to be almost articulate. They went some paces\noff, as if it were to confer together, walking side by side, backward\nand forward, like persons deliberating upon some affair of weight, but\noften turning their eyes towards me, as it were to watch that I might\nnot escape. I was amazed to see such actions and behaviour in brute\nbeasts; and concluded with myself, that if the inhabitants of this\ncountry were endued with a proportionable degree of reason, they must\nneeds be the wisest people upon earth. This thought gave me so much\ncomfort, that I resolved to go forward, until I could discover some\nhouse or village, or meet with any of the natives, leaving the two\nhorses to discourse together as they pleased. But the first, who was a\ndapple gray, observing me to steal off, neighed after me in so\nexpressive a tone, that I fancied myself to understand what he meant;\nwhereupon I turned back, and came near to him to expect his farther\ncommands: but concealing my fear as much as I could, for I began to be\nin some pain how this adventure might terminate; and the reader will\neasily believe I did not much like my present situation.\n\nThe two horses came up close to me, looking with great earnestness upon\nmy face and hands. The gray steed rubbed my hat all round with his\nright fore-hoof, and discomposed it so much that I was forced to adjust\nit better by taking it off and settling it again; whereat, both he and\nhis companion (who was a brown bay) appeared to be much surprised: the\nlatter felt the lappet of my coat, and finding it to hang loose about\nme, they both looked with new signs of wonder. He stroked my right\nhand, seeming to admire the softness and colour; but he squeezed it so\nhard between his hoof and his pastern, that I was forced to roar; after\nwhich they both touched me with all possible tenderness. They were\nunder great perplexity about my shoes and stockings, which they felt\nvery often, neighing to each other, and using various gestures, not\nunlike those of a philosopher, when he would attempt to solve some new\nand difficult phenomenon.\n\nUpon the whole, the behaviour of these animals was so orderly and\nrational, so acute and judicious, that I at last concluded they must\nneeds be magicians, who had thus metamorphosed themselves upon some\ndesign, and seeing a stranger in the way, resolved to divert themselves\nwith him; or, perhaps, were really amazed at the sight of a man so very\ndifferent in habit, feature, and complexion, from those who might\nprobably live in so remote a climate. Upon the strength of this\nreasoning, I ventured to address them in the following manner:\n“Gentlemen, if you be conjurers, as I have good cause to believe, you\ncan understand my language; therefore I make bold to let your worships\nknow that I am a poor distressed Englishman, driven by his misfortunes\nupon your coast; and I entreat one of you to let me ride upon his back,\nas if he were a real horse, to some house or village where I can be\nrelieved. In return of which favour, I will make you a present of this\nknife and bracelet,” taking them out of my pocket. The two creatures\nstood silent while I spoke, seeming to listen with great attention, and\nwhen I had ended, they neighed frequently towards each other, as if\nthey were engaged in serious conversation. I plainly observed that\ntheir language expressed the passions very well, and the words might,\nwith little pains, be resolved into an alphabet more easily than the\nChinese.\n\nI could frequently distinguish the word _Yahoo_, which was repeated by\neach of them several times: and although it was impossible for me to\nconjecture what it meant, yet while the two horses were busy in\nconversation, I endeavoured to practise this word upon my tongue; and\nas soon as they were silent, I boldly pronounced _Yahoo_ in a loud\nvoice, imitating at the same time, as near as I could, the neighing of\na horse; at which they were both visibly surprised; and the gray\nrepeated the same word twice, as if he meant to teach me the right\naccent; wherein I spoke after him as well as I could, and found myself\nperceivably to improve every time, though very far from any degree of\nperfection. Then the bay tried me with a second word, much harder to be\npronounced; but reducing it to the English orthography, may be spelt\nthus, _Houyhnhnm_. I did not succeed in this so well as in the former;\nbut after two or three farther trials, I had better fortune; and they\nboth appeared amazed at my capacity.\n\nAfter some further discourse, which I then conjectured might relate to\nme, the two friends took their leaves, with the same compliment of\nstriking each other’s hoof; and the gray made me signs that I should\nwalk before him; wherein I thought it prudent to comply, till I could\nfind a better director. When I offered to slacken my pace, he would cry\n_hhuun hhuun_: I guessed his meaning, and gave him to understand, as\nwell as I could, “that I was weary, and not able to walk faster;” upon\nwhich he would stand a while to let me rest.\n\n\nCHAPTER II.\n\nThe author conducted by a Houyhnhnm to his house. The house described.\nThe author’s reception. The food of the Houyhnhnms. The author in\ndistress for want of meat, is at last relieved. His manner of feeding\nin this country.\n\n\nHaving travelled about three miles, we came to a long kind of building,\nmade of timber stuck in the ground, and wattled across; the roof was\nlow and covered with straw. I now began to be a little comforted; and\ntook out some toys, which travellers usually carry for presents to the\nsavage Indians of America, and other parts, in hopes the people of the\nhouse would be thereby encouraged to receive me kindly. The horse made\nme a sign to go in first; it was a large room with a smooth clay floor,\nand a rack and manger, extending the whole length on one side. There\nwere three nags and two mares, not eating, but some of them sitting\ndown upon their hams, which I very much wondered at; but wondered more\nto see the rest employed in domestic business; these seemed but\nordinary cattle. However, this confirmed my first opinion, that a\npeople who could so far civilize brute animals, must needs excel in\nwisdom all the nations of the world. The gray came in just after, and\nthereby prevented any ill treatment which the others might have given\nme. He neighed to them several times in a style of authority, and\nreceived answers.\n\nBeyond this room there were three others, reaching the length of the\nhouse, to which you passed through three doors, opposite to each other,\nin the manner of a vista. We went through the second room towards the\nthird. Here the gray walked in first, beckoning me to attend: I waited\nin the second room, and got ready my presents for the master and\nmistress of the house; they were two knives, three bracelets of false\npearls, a small looking-glass, and a bead necklace. The horse neighed\nthree or four times, and I waited to hear some answers in a human\nvoice, but I heard no other returns than in the same dialect, only one\nor two a little shriller than his. I began to think that this house\nmust belong to some person of great note among them, because there\nappeared so much ceremony before I could gain admittance. But, that a\nman of quality should be served all by horses, was beyond my\ncomprehension. I feared my brain was disturbed by my sufferings and\nmisfortunes. I roused myself, and looked about me in the room where I\nwas left alone: this was furnished like the first, only after a more\nelegant manner. I rubbed my eyes often, but the same objects still\noccurred. I pinched my arms and sides to awake myself, hoping I might\nbe in a dream. I then absolutely concluded, that all these appearances\ncould be nothing else but necromancy and magic. But I had no time to\npursue these reflections; for the gray horse came to the door, and made\nme a sign to follow him into the third room where I saw a very comely\nmare, together with a colt and foal, sitting on their haunches upon\nmats of straw, not unartfully made, and perfectly neat and clean.\n\nThe mare soon after my entrance rose from her mat, and coming up close,\nafter having nicely observed my hands and face, gave me a most\ncontemptuous look; and turning to the horse, I heard the word _Yahoo_\noften repeated betwixt them; the meaning of which word I could not then\ncomprehend, although it was the first I had learned to pronounce. But I\nwas soon better informed, to my everlasting mortification; for the\nhorse, beckoning to me with his head, and repeating the _hhuun_,\n_hhuun_, as he did upon the road, which I understood was to attend him,\nled me out into a kind of court, where was another building, at some\ndistance from the house. Here we entered, and I saw three of those\ndetestable creatures, which I first met after my landing, feeding upon\nroots, and the flesh of some animals, which I afterwards found to be\nthat of asses and dogs, and now and then a cow, dead by accident or\ndisease. They were all tied by the neck with strong withes, fastened to\na beam; they held their food between the claws of their forefeet, and\ntore it with their teeth.\n\nThe master horse ordered a sorrel nag, one of his servants, to untie\nthe largest of these animals, and take him into the yard. The beast and\nI were brought close together, and by our countenances diligently\ncompared both by master and servant, who thereupon repeated several\ntimes the word _Yahoo_. My horror and astonishment are not to be\ndescribed, when I observed in this abominable animal, a perfect human\nfigure: the face of it indeed was flat and broad, the nose depressed,\nthe lips large, and the mouth wide; but these differences are common to\nall savage nations, where the lineaments of the countenance are\ndistorted, by the natives suffering their infants to lie grovelling on\nthe earth, or by carrying them on their backs, nuzzling with their face\nagainst the mothers’ shoulders. The forefeet of the _Yahoo_ differed\nfrom my hands in nothing else but the length of the nails, the\ncoarseness and brownness of the palms, and the hairiness on the backs.\nThere was the same resemblance between our feet, with the same\ndifferences; which I knew very well, though the horses did not, because\nof my shoes and stockings; the same in every part of our bodies except\nas to hairiness and colour, which I have already described.\n\nThe great difficulty that seemed to stick with the two horses, was to\nsee the rest of my body so very different from that of a _Yahoo_, for\nwhich I was obliged to my clothes, whereof they had no conception. The\nsorrel nag offered me a root, which he held (after their manner, as we\nshall describe in its proper place) between his hoof and pastern; I\ntook it in my hand, and, having smelt it, returned it to him again as\ncivilly as I could. He brought out of the _Yahoos_’ kennel a piece of\nass’s flesh; but it smelt so offensively that I turned from it with\nloathing: he then threw it to the _Yahoo_, by whom it was greedily\ndevoured. He afterwards showed me a wisp of hay, and a fetlock full of\noats; but I shook my head, to signify that neither of these were food\nfor me. And indeed I now apprehended that I must absolutely starve, if\nI did not get to some of my own species; for as to those filthy\n_Yahoos_, although there were few greater lovers of mankind at that\ntime than myself, yet I confess I never saw any sensitive being so\ndetestable on all accounts; and the more I came near them the more\nhateful they grew, while I stayed in that country. This the master\nhorse observed by my behaviour, and therefore sent the _Yahoo_ back to\nhis kennel. He then put his fore-hoof to his mouth, at which I was much\nsurprised, although he did it with ease, and with a motion that\nappeared perfectly natural, and made other signs, to know what I would\neat; but I could not return him such an answer as he was able to\napprehend; and if he had understood me, I did not see how it was\npossible to contrive any way for finding myself nourishment. While we\nwere thus engaged, I observed a cow passing by, whereupon I pointed to\nher, and expressed a desire to go and milk her. This had its effect;\nfor he led me back into the house, and ordered a mare-servant to open a\nroom, where a good store of milk lay in earthen and wooden vessels,\nafter a very orderly and cleanly manner. She gave me a large bowlful,\nof which I drank very heartily, and found myself well refreshed.\n\nAbout noon, I saw coming towards the house a kind of vehicle drawn like\na sledge by four _Yahoos_. There was in it an old steed, who seemed to\nbe of quality; he alighted with his hind-feet forward, having by\naccident got a hurt in his left fore-foot. He came to dine with our\nhorse, who received him with great civility. They dined in the best\nroom, and had oats boiled in milk for the second course, which the old\nhorse ate warm, but the rest cold. Their mangers were placed circular\nin the middle of the room, and divided into several partitions, round\nwhich they sat on their haunches, upon bosses of straw. In the middle\nwas a large rack, with angles answering to every partition of the\nmanger; so that each horse and mare ate their own hay, and their own\nmash of oats and milk, with much decency and regularity. The behaviour\nof the young colt and foal appeared very modest, and that of the master\nand mistress extremely cheerful and complaisant to their guest. The\ngray ordered me to stand by him; and much discourse passed between him\nand his friend concerning me, as I found by the stranger’s often\nlooking on me, and the frequent repetition of the word _Yahoo_.\n\nI happened to wear my gloves, which the master gray observing, seemed\nperplexed, discovering signs of wonder what I had done to my forefeet.\nHe put his hoof three or four times to them, as if he would signify,\nthat I should reduce them to their former shape, which I presently did,\npulling off both my gloves, and putting them into my pocket. This\noccasioned farther talk; and I saw the company was pleased with my\nbehaviour, whereof I soon found the good effects. I was ordered to\nspeak the few words I understood; and while they were at dinner, the\nmaster taught me the names for oats, milk, fire, water, and some\nothers, which I could readily pronounce after him, having from my youth\na great facility in learning languages.\n\nWhen dinner was done, the master horse took me aside, and by signs and\nwords made me understand the concern he was in that I had nothing to\neat. Oats in their tongue are called _hlunnh_. This word I pronounced\ntwo or three times; for although I had refused them at first, yet, upon\nsecond thoughts, I considered that I could contrive to make of them a\nkind of bread, which might be sufficient, with milk, to keep me alive,\ntill I could make my escape to some other country, and to creatures of\nmy own species. The horse immediately ordered a white mare servant of\nhis family to bring me a good quantity of oats in a sort of wooden\ntray. These I heated before the fire, as well as I could, and rubbed\nthem till the husks came off, which I made a shift to winnow from the\ngrain. I ground and beat them between two stones; then took water, and\nmade them into a paste or cake, which I toasted at the fire and eat\nwarm with milk. It was at first a very insipid diet, though common\nenough in many parts of Europe, but grew tolerable by time; and having\nbeen often reduced to hard fare in my life, this was not the first\nexperiment I had made how easily nature is satisfied. And I cannot but\nobserve, that I never had one hour’s sickness while I stayed in this\nisland. It is true, I sometimes made a shift to catch a rabbit, or\nbird, by springs made of _Yahoo’s_ hairs; and I often gathered\nwholesome herbs, which I boiled, and ate as salads with my bread; and\nnow and then, for a rarity, I made a little butter, and drank the whey.\nI was at first at a great loss for salt, but custom soon reconciled me\nto the want of it; and I am confident that the frequent use of salt\namong us is an effect of luxury, and was first introduced only as a\nprovocative to drink, except where it is necessary for preserving flesh\nin long voyages, or in places remote from great markets; for we observe\nno animal to be fond of it but man, and as to myself, when I left this\ncountry, it was a great while before I could endure the taste of it in\nanything that I ate.\n\nThis is enough to say upon the subject of my diet, wherewith other\ntravellers fill their books, as if the readers were personally\nconcerned whether we fare well or ill. However, it was necessary to\nmention this matter, lest the world should think it impossible that I\ncould find sustenance for three years in such a country, and among such\ninhabitants.\n\nWhen it grew towards evening, the master horse ordered a place for me\nto lodge in; it was but six yards from the house and separated from the\nstable of the _Yahoos_. Here I got some straw, and covering myself with\nmy own clothes, slept very sound. But I was in a short time better\naccommodated, as the reader shall know hereafter, when I come to treat\nmore particularly about my way of living.\n\n\nCHAPTER III.\n\nThe author studies to learn the language. The Houyhnhnm, his master,\nassists in teaching him. The language described. Several Houyhnhnms of\nquality come out of curiosity to see the author. He gives his master a\nshort account of his voyage.\n\n\nMy principal endeavour was to learn the language, which my master (for\nso I shall henceforth call him), and his children, and every servant of\nhis house, were desirous to teach me; for they looked upon it as a\nprodigy, that a brute animal should discover such marks of a rational\ncreature. I pointed to every thing, and inquired the name of it, which\nI wrote down in my journal-book when I was alone, and corrected my bad\naccent by desiring those of the family to pronounce it often. In this\nemployment, a sorrel nag, one of the under-servants, was very ready to\nassist me.\n\nIn speaking, they pronounced through the nose and throat, and their\nlanguage approaches nearest to the High-Dutch, or German, of any I know\nin Europe; but is much more graceful and significant. The emperor\nCharles V. made almost the same observation, when he said “that if he\nwere to speak to his horse, it should be in High-Dutch.”\n\nThe curiosity and impatience of my master were so great, that he spent\nmany hours of his leisure to instruct me. He was convinced (as he\nafterwards told me) that I must be a _Yahoo_; but my teachableness,\ncivility, and cleanliness, astonished him; which were qualities\naltogether opposite to those animals. He was most perplexed about my\nclothes, reasoning sometimes with himself, whether they were a part of\nmy body: for I never pulled them off till the family were asleep, and\ngot them on before they waked in the morning. My master was eager to\nlearn “whence I came; how I acquired those appearances of reason, which\nI discovered in all my actions; and to know my story from my own mouth,\nwhich he hoped he should soon do by the great proficiency I made in\nlearning and pronouncing their words and sentences.” To help my memory,\nI formed all I learned into the English alphabet, and writ the words\ndown, with the translations. This last, after some time, I ventured to\ndo in my master’s presence. It cost me much trouble to explain to him\nwhat I was doing; for the inhabitants have not the least idea of books\nor literature.\n\nIn about ten weeks time, I was able to understand most of his\nquestions; and in three months, could give him some tolerable answers.\nHe was extremely curious to know “from what part of the country I came,\nand how I was taught to imitate a rational creature; because the\n_Yahoos_ (whom he saw I exactly resembled in my head, hands, and face,\nthat were only visible), with some appearance of cunning, and the\nstrongest disposition to mischief, were observed to be the most\nunteachable of all brutes.” I answered, “that I came over the sea, from\na far place, with many others of my own kind, in a great hollow vessel\nmade of the bodies of trees: that my companions forced me to land on\nthis coast, and then left me to shift for myself.” It was with some\ndifficulty, and by the help of many signs, that I brought him to\nunderstand me. He replied, “that I must needs be mistaken, or that I\nsaid the thing which was not;” for they have no word in their language\nto express lying or falsehood. “He knew it was impossible that there\ncould be a country beyond the sea, or that a parcel of brutes could\nmove a wooden vessel whither they pleased upon water. He was sure no\n_Houyhnhnm_ alive could make such a vessel, nor would trust _Yahoos_ to\nmanage it.”\n\nThe word _Houyhnhnm_, in their tongue, signifies a _horse_, and, in its\netymology, the _perfection of nature_. I told my master, “that I was at\na loss for expression, but would improve as fast as I could; and hoped,\nin a short time, I should be able to tell him wonders.” He was pleased\nto direct his own mare, his colt, and foal, and the servants of the\nfamily, to take all opportunities of instructing me; and every day, for\ntwo or three hours, he was at the same pains himself. Several horses\nand mares of quality in the neighbourhood came often to our house, upon\nthe report spread of “a wonderful _Yahoo_, that could speak like a\n_Houyhnhnm_, and seemed, in his words and actions, to discover some\nglimmerings of reason.” These delighted to converse with me: they put\nmany questions, and received such answers as I was able to return. By\nall these advantages I made so great a progress, that, in five months\nfrom my arrival I understood whatever was spoken, and could express\nmyself tolerably well.\n\nThe _Houyhnhnms_, who came to visit my master out of a design of seeing\nand talking with me, could hardly believe me to be a right _Yahoo_,\nbecause my body had a different covering from others of my kind. They\nwere astonished to observe me without the usual hair or skin, except on\nmy head, face, and hands; but I discovered that secret to my master\nupon an accident which happened about a fortnight before.\n\nI have already told the reader, that every night, when the family were\ngone to bed, it was my custom to strip, and cover myself with my\nclothes. It happened, one morning early, that my master sent for me by\nthe sorrel nag, who was his valet. When he came I was fast asleep, my\nclothes fallen off on one side, and my shirt above my waist. I awaked\nat the noise he made, and observed him to deliver his message in some\ndisorder; after which he went to my master, and in a great fright gave\nhim a very confused account of what he had seen. This I presently\ndiscovered, for, going as soon as I was dressed to pay my attendance\nupon his honour, he asked me “the meaning of what his servant had\nreported, that I was not the same thing when I slept, as I appeared to\nbe at other times; that his valet assured him, some part of me was\nwhite, some yellow, at least not so white, and some brown.”\n\nI had hitherto concealed the secret of my dress, in order to\ndistinguish myself, as much as possible, from that cursed race of\n_Yahoos_; but now I found it in vain to do so any longer. Besides, I\nconsidered that my clothes and shoes would soon wear out, which already\nwere in a declining condition, and must be supplied by some contrivance\nfrom the hides of _Yahoos_, or other brutes; whereby the whole secret\nwould be known. I therefore told my master, “that in the country whence\nI came, those of my kind always covered their bodies with the hairs of\ncertain animals prepared by art, as well for decency as to avoid the\ninclemencies of air, both hot and cold; of which, as to my own person,\nI would give him immediate conviction, if he pleased to command me:\nonly desiring his excuse, if I did not expose those parts that nature\ntaught us to conceal.” He said, “my discourse was all very strange, but\nespecially the last part; for he could not understand, why nature\nshould teach us to conceal what nature had given; that neither himself\nnor family were ashamed of any parts of their bodies; but, however, I\nmight do as I pleased.” Whereupon I first unbuttoned my coat, and\npulled it off. I did the same with my waistcoat. I drew off my shoes,\nstockings, and breeches. I let my shirt down to my waist, and drew up\nthe bottom; fastening it like a girdle about my middle, to hide my\nnakedness.\n\nMy master observed the whole performance with great signs of curiosity\nand admiration. He took up all my clothes in his pastern, one piece\nafter another, and examined them diligently; he then stroked my body\nvery gently, and looked round me several times; after which, he said,\nit was plain I must be a perfect _Yahoo_; but that I differed very much\nfrom the rest of my species in the softness, whiteness, and smoothness\nof my skin; my want of hair in several parts of my body; the shape and\nshortness of my claws behind and before; and my affectation of walking\ncontinually on my two hinder feet. He desired to see no more; and gave\nme leave to put on my clothes again, for I was shuddering with cold.\n\nI expressed my uneasiness at his giving me so often the appellation of\n_Yahoo_, an odious animal, for which I had so utter a hatred and\ncontempt: I begged he would forbear applying that word to me, and make\nthe same order in his family and among his friends whom he suffered to\nsee me. I requested likewise, “that the secret of my having a false\ncovering to my body, might be known to none but himself, at least as\nlong as my present clothing should last; for as to what the sorrel nag,\nhis valet, had observed, his honour might command him to conceal it.”\n\nAll this my master very graciously consented to; and thus the secret\nwas kept till my clothes began to wear out, which I was forced to\nsupply by several contrivances that shall hereafter be mentioned. In\nthe meantime, he desired “I would go on with my utmost diligence to\nlearn their language, because he was more astonished at my capacity for\nspeech and reason, than at the figure of my body, whether it were\ncovered or not;” adding, “that he waited with some impatience to hear\nthe wonders which I promised to tell him.”\n\nFrom thenceforward he doubled the pains he had been at to instruct me:\nhe brought me into all company, and made them treat me with civility;\n“because,” as he told them, privately, “this would put me into good\nhumour, and make me more diverting.”\n\nEvery day, when I waited on him, beside the trouble he was at in\nteaching, he would ask me several questions concerning myself, which I\nanswered as well as I could, and by these means he had already received\nsome general ideas, though very imperfect. It would be tedious to\nrelate the several steps by which I advanced to a more regular\nconversation; but the first account I gave of myself in any order and\nlength was to this purpose:\n\n“That I came from a very far country, as I already had attempted to\ntell him, with about fifty more of my own species; that we travelled\nupon the seas in a great hollow vessel made of wood, and larger than\nhis honour’s house. I described the ship to him in the best terms I\ncould, and explained, by the help of my handkerchief displayed, how it\nwas driven forward by the wind. That upon a quarrel among us, I was set\non shore on this coast, where I walked forward, without knowing\nwhither, till he delivered me from the persecution of those execrable\n_Yahoos_.” He asked me, “who made the ship, and how it was possible\nthat the _Houyhnhnms_ of my country would leave it to the management of\nbrutes?” My answer was, “that I durst proceed no further in my\nrelation, unless he would give me his word and honour that he would not\nbe offended, and then I would tell him the wonders I had so often\npromised.” He agreed; and I went on by assuring him, that the ship was\nmade by creatures like myself; who, in all the countries I had\ntravelled, as well as in my own, were the only governing rational\nanimals; and that upon my arrival hither, I was as much astonished to\nsee the _Houyhnhnms_ act like rational beings, as he, or his friends,\ncould be, in finding some marks of reason in a creature he was pleased\nto call a _Yahoo_; to which I owned my resemblance in every part, but\ncould not account for their degenerate and brutal nature. I said\nfarther, “that if good fortune ever restored me to my native country,\nto relate my travels hither, as I resolved to do, everybody would\nbelieve, that I said the thing that was not, that I invented the story\nout of my own head; and (with all possible respect to himself, his\nfamily, and friends, and under his promise of not being offended) our\ncountrymen would hardly think it probable that a _Houyhnhnm_ should be\nthe presiding creature of a nation, and a _Yahoo_ the brute.”\n\n\nCHAPTER IV.\n\nThe Houyhnhnms’ notion of truth and falsehood. The author’s discourse\ndisapproved by his master. The author gives a more particular account\nof himself, and the accidents of his voyage.\n\n\nMy master heard me with great appearances of uneasiness in his\ncountenance; because _doubting_, or not believing, are so little known\nin this country, that the inhabitants cannot tell how to behave\nthemselves under such circumstances. And I remember, in frequent\ndiscourses with my master concerning the nature of manhood in other\nparts of the world, having occasion to talk of _lying_ and _false\nrepresentation_, it was with much difficulty that he comprehended what\nI meant, although he had otherwise a most acute judgment. For he argued\nthus: “that the use of speech was to make us understand one another,\nand to receive information of facts; now, if any one _said the thing\nwhich was not_, these ends were defeated, because I cannot properly be\nsaid to understand him; and I am so far from receiving information,\nthat he leaves me worse than in ignorance; for I am led to believe a\nthing black, when it is white, and short, when it is long.” And these\nwere all the notions he had concerning that faculty of _lying_, so\nperfectly well understood, and so universally practised, among human\ncreatures.\n\nTo return from this digression. When I asserted that the _Yahoos_ were\nthe only governing animals in my country, which my master said was\naltogether past his conception, he desired to know, “whether we had\n_Houyhnhnms_ among us, and what was their employment?” I told him, “we\nhad great numbers; that in summer they grazed in the fields, and in\nwinter were kept in houses with hay and oats, where _Yahoo_ servants\nwere employed to rub their skins smooth, comb their manes, pick their\nfeet, serve them with food, and make their beds.” “I understand you\nwell,” said my master: “it is now very plain, from all you have spoken,\nthat whatever share of reason the _Yahoos_ pretend to, the _Houyhnhnms_\nare your masters; I heartily wish our _Yahoos_ would be so tractable.”\nI begged “his honour would please to excuse me from proceeding any\nfurther, because I was very certain that the account he expected from\nme would be highly displeasing.” But he insisted in commanding me to\nlet him know the best and the worst. I told him “he should be obeyed.”\nI owned “that the _Houyhnhnms_ among us, whom we called horses, were\nthe most generous and comely animals we had; that they excelled in\nstrength and swiftness; and when they belonged to persons of quality,\nwere employed in travelling, racing, or drawing chariots; they were\ntreated with much kindness and care, till they fell into diseases, or\nbecame foundered in the feet; but then they were sold, and used to all\nkind of drudgery till they died; after which their skins were stripped,\nand sold for what they were worth, and their bodies left to be devoured\nby dogs and birds of prey. But the common race of horses had not so\ngood fortune, being kept by farmers and carriers, and other mean\npeople, who put them to greater labour, and fed them worse.” I\ndescribed, as well as I could, our way of riding; the shape and use of\na bridle, a saddle, a spur, and a whip; of harness and wheels. I added,\n“that we fastened plates of a certain hard substance, called iron, at\nthe bottom of their feet, to preserve their hoofs from being broken by\nthe stony ways, on which we often travelled.”\n\nMy master, after some expressions of great indignation, wondered “how\nwe dared to venture upon a _Houyhnhnm’s_ back; for he was sure, that\nthe weakest servant in his house would be able to shake off the\nstrongest _Yahoo_; or by lying down and rolling on his back, squeeze\nthe brute to death.” I answered “that our horses were trained up, from\nthree or four years old, to the several uses we intended them for; that\nif any of them proved intolerably vicious, they were employed for\ncarriages; that they were severely beaten, while they were young, for\nany mischievous tricks; that the males, designed for the common use of\nriding or draught, were generally castrated about two years after their\nbirth, to take down their spirits, and make them more tame and gentle;\nthat they were indeed sensible of rewards and punishments; but his\nhonour would please to consider, that they had not the least tincture\nof reason, any more than the _Yahoos_ in this country.”\n\nIt put me to the pains of many circumlocutions, to give my master a\nright idea of what I spoke; for their language does not abound in\nvariety of words, because their wants and passions are fewer than among\nus. But it is impossible to express his noble resentment at our savage\ntreatment of the _Houyhnhnm_ race; particularly after I had explained\nthe manner and use of castrating horses among us, to hinder them from\npropagating their kind, and to render them more servile. He said, “if\nit were possible there could be any country where _Yahoos_ alone were\nendued with reason, they certainly must be the governing animal;\nbecause reason in time will always prevail against brutal strength.\nBut, considering the frame of our bodies, and especially of mine, he\nthought no creature of equal bulk was so ill-contrived for employing\nthat reason in the common offices of life;” whereupon he desired to\nknow “whether those among whom I lived resembled me, or the _Yahoos_ of\nhis country?” I assured him, “that I was as well shaped as most of my\nage; but the younger, and the females, were much more soft and tender,\nand the skins of the latter generally as white as milk.” He said, “I\ndiffered indeed from other _Yahoos_, being much more cleanly, and not\naltogether so deformed; but, in point of real advantage, he thought I\ndiffered for the worse: that my nails were of no use either to my fore\nor hinder feet; as to my forefeet, he could not properly call them by\nthat name, for he never observed me to walk upon them; that they were\ntoo soft to bear the ground; that I generally went with them uncovered;\nneither was the covering I sometimes wore on them of the same shape, or\nso strong as that on my feet behind: that I could not walk with any\nsecurity, for if either of my hinder feet slipped, I must inevitably\nfall.” He then began to find fault with other parts of my body: “the\nflatness of my face, the prominence of my nose, my eyes placed directly\nin front, so that I could not look on either side without turning my\nhead: that I was not able to feed myself, without lifting one of my\nforefeet to my mouth: and therefore nature had placed those joints to\nanswer that necessity. He knew not what could be the use of those\nseveral clefts and divisions in my feet behind; that these were too\nsoft to bear the hardness and sharpness of stones, without a covering\nmade from the skin of some other brute; that my whole body wanted a\nfence against heat and cold, which I was forced to put on and off every\nday, with tediousness and trouble: and lastly, that he observed every\nanimal in this country naturally to abhor the _Yahoos_, whom the weaker\navoided, and the stronger drove from them. So that, supposing us to\nhave the gift of reason, he could not see how it were possible to cure\nthat natural antipathy, which every creature discovered against us; nor\nconsequently how we could tame and render them serviceable. However, he\nwould,” as he said, “debate the matter no farther, because he was more\ndesirous to know my own story, the country where I was born, and the\nseveral actions and events of my life, before I came hither.”\n\nI assured him, “how extremely desirous I was that he should be\nsatisfied on every point; but I doubted much, whether it would be\npossible for me to explain myself on several subjects, whereof his\nhonour could have no conception; because I saw nothing in his country\nto which I could resemble them; that, however, I would do my best, and\nstrive to express myself by similitudes, humbly desiring his assistance\nwhen I wanted proper words;” which he was pleased to promise me.\n\nI said, “my birth was of honest parents, in an island called England;\nwhich was remote from his country, as many days’ journey as the\nstrongest of his honour’s servants could travel in the annual course of\nthe sun; that I was bred a surgeon, whose trade it is to cure wounds\nand hurts in the body, gotten by accident or violence; that my country\nwas governed by a female man, whom we called queen; that I left it to\nget riches, whereby I might maintain myself and family, when I should\nreturn; that, in my last voyage, I was commander of the ship, and had\nabout fifty _Yahoos_ under me, many of which died at sea, and I was\nforced to supply them by others picked out from several nations; that\nour ship was twice in danger of being sunk, the first time by a great\nstorm, and the second by striking against a rock.” Here my master\ninterposed, by asking me, “how I could persuade strangers, out of\ndifferent countries, to venture with me, after the losses I had\nsustained, and the hazards I had run?” I said, “they were fellows of\ndesperate fortunes, forced to fly from the places of their birth on\naccount of their poverty or their crimes. Some were undone by lawsuits;\nothers spent all they had in drinking, whoring, and gaming; others fled\nfor treason; many for murder, theft, poisoning, robbery, perjury,\nforgery, coining false money, for committing rapes, or sodomy; for\nflying from their colours, or deserting to the enemy; and most of them\nhad broken prison; none of these durst return to their native\ncountries, for fear of being hanged, or of starving in a jail; and\ntherefore they were under the necessity of seeking a livelihood in\nother places.”\n\nDuring this discourse, my master was pleased to interrupt me several\ntimes. I had made use of many circumlocutions in describing to him the\nnature of the several crimes for which most of our crew had been forced\nto fly their country. This labour took up several days’ conversation,\nbefore he was able to comprehend me. He was wholly at a loss to know\nwhat could be the use or necessity of practising those vices. To clear\nup which, I endeavoured to give some ideas of the desire of power and\nriches; of the terrible effects of lust, intemperance, malice, and\nenvy. All this I was forced to define and describe by putting cases and\nmaking suppositions. After which, like one whose imagination was struck\nwith something never seen or heard of before, he would lift up his eyes\nwith amazement and indignation. Power, government, war, law,\npunishment, and a thousand other things, had no terms wherein that\nlanguage could express them, which made the difficulty almost\ninsuperable, to give my master any conception of what I meant. But\nbeing of an excellent understanding, much improved by contemplation and\nconverse, he at last arrived at a competent knowledge of what human\nnature, in our parts of the world, is capable to perform, and desired I\nwould give him some particular account of that land which we call\nEurope, but especially of my own country.\n\n\nCHAPTER V.\n\nThe author at his master’s command, informs him of the state of\nEngland. The causes of war among the princes of Europe. The author\nbegins to explain the English constitution.\n\n\nThe reader may please to observe, that the following extract of many\nconversations I had with my master, contains a summary of the most\nmaterial points which were discoursed at several times for above two\nyears; his honour often desiring fuller satisfaction, as I farther\nimproved in the _Houyhnhnm_ tongue. I laid before him, as well as I\ncould, the whole state of Europe; I discoursed of trade and\nmanufactures, of arts and sciences; and the answers I gave to all the\nquestions he made, as they arose upon several subjects, were a fund of\nconversation not to be exhausted. But I shall here only set down the\nsubstance of what passed between us concerning my own country, reducing\nit in order as well as I can, without any regard to time or other\ncircumstances, while I strictly adhere to truth. My only concern is,\nthat I shall hardly be able to do justice to my master’s arguments and\nexpressions, which must needs suffer by my want of capacity, as well as\nby a translation into our barbarous English.\n\nIn obedience, therefore, to his honour’s commands, I related to him the\nRevolution under the Prince of Orange; the long war with France,\nentered into by the said prince, and renewed by his successor, the\npresent queen, wherein the greatest powers of Christendom were engaged,\nand which still continued: I computed, at his request, “that about a\nmillion of _Yahoos_ might have been killed in the whole progress of it;\nand perhaps a hundred or more cities taken, and five times as many\nships burnt or sunk.”\n\nHe asked me, “what were the usual causes or motives that made one\ncountry go to war with another?” I answered “they were innumerable; but\nI should only mention a few of the chief. Sometimes the ambition of\nprinces, who never think they have land or people enough to govern;\nsometimes the corruption of ministers, who engage their master in a\nwar, in order to stifle or divert the clamour of the subjects against\ntheir evil administration. Difference in opinions has cost many\nmillions of lives: for instance, whether flesh be bread, or bread be\nflesh; whether the juice of a certain berry be blood or wine; whether\nwhistling be a vice or a virtue; whether it be better to kiss a post,\nor throw it into the fire; what is the best colour for a coat, whether\nblack, white, red, or gray; and whether it should be long or short,\nnarrow or wide, dirty or clean; with many more. Neither are any wars so\nfurious and bloody, or of so long a continuance, as those occasioned by\ndifference in opinion, especially if it be in things indifferent.\n\n“Sometimes the quarrel between two princes is to decide which of them\nshall dispossess a third of his dominions, where neither of them\npretend to any right. Sometimes one prince quarrels with another for\nfear the other should quarrel with him. Sometimes a war is entered\nupon, because the enemy is too strong; and sometimes, because he is too\nweak. Sometimes our neighbours want the things which we have, or have\nthe things which we want, and we both fight, till they take ours, or\ngive us theirs. It is a very justifiable cause of a war, to invade a\ncountry after the people have been wasted by famine, destroyed by\npestilence, or embroiled by factions among themselves. It is\njustifiable to enter into war against our nearest ally, when one of his\ntowns lies convenient for us, or a territory of land, that would render\nour dominions round and complete. If a prince sends forces into a\nnation, where the people are poor and ignorant, he may lawfully put\nhalf of them to death, and make slaves of the rest, in order to\ncivilize and reduce them from their barbarous way of living. It is a\nvery kingly, honourable, and frequent practice, when one prince desires\nthe assistance of another, to secure him against an invasion, that the\nassistant, when he has driven out the invader, should seize on the\ndominions himself, and kill, imprison, or banish, the prince he came to\nrelieve. Alliance by blood, or marriage, is a frequent cause of war\nbetween princes; and the nearer the kindred is, the greater their\ndisposition to quarrel; poor nations are hungry, and rich nations are\nproud; and pride and hunger will ever be at variance. For these\nreasons, the trade of a soldier is held the most honourable of all\nothers; because a soldier is a _Yahoo_ hired to kill, in cold blood, as\nmany of his own species, who have never offended him, as possibly he\ncan.\n\n“There is likewise a kind of beggarly princes in Europe, not able to\nmake war by themselves, who hire out their troops to richer nations,\nfor so much a day to each man; of which they keep three-fourths to\nthemselves, and it is the best part of their maintenance: such are\nthose in many northern parts of Europe.”\n\n“What you have told me,” said my master, “upon the subject of war, does\nindeed discover most admirably the effects of that reason you pretend\nto: however, it is happy that the shame is greater than the danger; and\nthat nature has left you utterly incapable of doing much mischief. For,\nyour mouths lying flat with your faces, you can hardly bite each other\nto any purpose, unless by consent. Then as to the claws upon your feet\nbefore and behind, they are so short and tender, that one of our\n_Yahoos_ would drive a dozen of yours before him. And therefore, in\nrecounting the numbers of those who have been killed in battle, I\ncannot but think you have said the thing which is not.”\n\nI could not forbear shaking my head, and smiling a little at his\nignorance. And being no stranger to the art of war, I gave him a\ndescription of cannons, culverins, muskets, carabines, pistols,\nbullets, powder, swords, bayonets, battles, sieges, retreats, attacks,\nundermines, countermines, bombardments, sea fights, ships sunk with a\nthousand men, twenty thousand killed on each side, dying groans, limbs\nflying in the air, smoke, noise, confusion, trampling to death under\nhorses’ feet, flight, pursuit, victory; fields strewed with carcases,\nleft for food to dogs and wolves and birds of prey; plundering,\nstripping, ravishing, burning, and destroying. And to set forth the\nvalour of my own dear countrymen, I assured him, “that I had seen them\nblow up a hundred enemies at once in a siege, and as many in a ship,\nand beheld the dead bodies drop down in pieces from the clouds, to the\ngreat diversion of the spectators.”\n\nI was going on to more particulars, when my master commanded me\nsilence. He said, “whoever understood the nature of _Yahoos_, might\neasily believe it possible for so vile an animal to be capable of every\naction I had named, if their strength and cunning equalled their\nmalice. But as my discourse had increased his abhorrence of the whole\nspecies, so he found it gave him a disturbance in his mind to which he\nwas wholly a stranger before. He thought his ears, being used to such\nabominable words, might, by degrees, admit them with less detestation:\nthat although he hated the _Yahoos_ of this country, yet he no more\nblamed them for their odious qualities, than he did a _gnnayh_ (a bird\nof prey) for its cruelty, or a sharp stone for cutting his hoof. But\nwhen a creature pretending to reason could be capable of such\nenormities, he dreaded lest the corruption of that faculty might be\nworse than brutality itself. He seemed therefore confident, that,\ninstead of reason we were only possessed of some quality fitted to\nincrease our natural vices; as the reflection from a troubled stream\nreturns the image of an ill-shapen body, not only larger but more\ndistorted.”\n\nHe added, “that he had heard too much upon the subject of war, both in\nthis and some former discourses. There was another point, which a\nlittle perplexed him at present. I had informed him, that some of our\ncrew left their country on account of being ruined by law; that I had\nalready explained the meaning of the word; but he was at a loss how it\nshould come to pass, that the law, which was intended for every man’s\npreservation, should be any man’s ruin. Therefore he desired to be\nfurther satisfied what I meant by law, and the dispensers thereof,\naccording to the present practice in my own country; because he thought\nnature and reason were sufficient guides for a reasonable animal, as we\npretended to be, in showing us what we ought to do, and what to avoid.”\n\nI assured his honour, “that law was a science in which I had not much\nconversed, further than by employing advocates, in vain, upon some\ninjustices that had been done me: however, I would give him all the\nsatisfaction I was able.”\n\nI said, “there was a society of men among us, bred up from their youth\nin the art of proving, by words multiplied for the purpose, that white\nis black, and black is white, according as they are paid. To this\nsociety all the rest of the people are slaves. For example, if my\nneighbour has a mind to my cow, he has a lawyer to prove that he ought\nto have my cow from me. I must then hire another to defend my right, it\nbeing against all rules of law that any man should be allowed to speak\nfor himself. Now, in this case, I, who am the right owner, lie under\ntwo great disadvantages: first, my lawyer, being practised almost from\nhis cradle in defending falsehood, is quite out of his element when he\nwould be an advocate for justice, which is an unnatural office he\nalways attempts with great awkwardness, if not with ill-will. The\nsecond disadvantage is, that my lawyer must proceed with great caution,\nor else he will be reprimanded by the judges, and abhorred by his\nbrethren, as one that would lessen the practice of the law. And\ntherefore I have but two methods to preserve my cow. The first is, to\ngain over my adversary’s lawyer with a double fee, who will then betray\nhis client by insinuating that he hath justice on his side. The second\nway is for my lawyer to make my cause appear as unjust as he can, by\nallowing the cow to belong to my adversary: and this, if it be\nskilfully done, will certainly bespeak the favour of the bench. Now\nyour honour is to know, that these judges are persons appointed to\ndecide all controversies of property, as well as for the trial of\ncriminals, and picked out from the most dexterous lawyers, who are\ngrown old or lazy; and having been biassed all their lives against\ntruth and equity, lie under such a fatal necessity of favouring fraud,\nperjury, and oppression, that I have known some of them refuse a large\nbribe from the side where justice lay, rather than injure the faculty,\nby doing any thing unbecoming their nature or their office.\n\n“It is a maxim among these lawyers that whatever has been done before,\nmay legally be done again: and therefore they take special care to\nrecord all the decisions formerly made against common justice, and the\ngeneral reason of mankind. These, under the name of precedents, they\nproduce as authorities to justify the most iniquitous opinions; and the\njudges never fail of directing accordingly.\n\n“In pleading, they studiously avoid entering into the merits of the\ncause; but are loud, violent, and tedious, in dwelling upon all\ncircumstances which are not to the purpose. For instance, in the case\nalready mentioned; they never desire to know what claim or title my\nadversary has to my cow; but whether the said cow were red or black;\nher horns long or short; whether the field I graze her in be round or\nsquare; whether she was milked at home or abroad; what diseases she is\nsubject to, and the like; after which they consult precedents, adjourn\nthe cause from time to time, and in ten, twenty, or thirty years, come\nto an issue.\n\n“It is likewise to be observed, that this society has a peculiar cant\nand jargon of their own, that no other mortal can understand, and\nwherein all their laws are written, which they take special care to\nmultiply; whereby they have wholly confounded the very essence of truth\nand falsehood, of right and wrong; so that it will take thirty years to\ndecide, whether the field left me by my ancestors for six generations\nbelongs to me, or to a stranger three hundred miles off.\n\n“In the trial of persons accused for crimes against the state, the\nmethod is much more short and commendable: the judge first sends to\nsound the disposition of those in power, after which he can easily hang\nor save a criminal, strictly preserving all due forms of law.”\n\nHere my master interposing, said, “it was a pity, that creatures\nendowed with such prodigious abilities of mind, as these lawyers, by\nthe description I gave of them, must certainly be, were not rather\nencouraged to be instructors of others in wisdom and knowledge.” In\nanswer to which I assured his honour, “that in all points out of their\nown trade, they were usually the most ignorant and stupid generation\namong us, the most despicable in common conversation, avowed enemies to\nall knowledge and learning, and equally disposed to pervert the general\nreason of mankind in every other subject of discourse as in that of\ntheir own profession.”\n\n\nCHAPTER VI.\n\nA continuation of the state of England under Queen Anne. The character\nof a first minister of state in European courts.\n\n\nMy master was yet wholly at a loss to understand what motives could\nincite this race of lawyers to perplex, disquiet, and weary themselves,\nand engage in a confederacy of injustice, merely for the sake of\ninjuring their fellow-animals; neither could he comprehend what I meant\nin saying, they did it for hire. Whereupon I was at much pains to\ndescribe to him the use of money, the materials it was made of, and the\nvalue of the metals; “that when a _Yahoo_ had got a great store of this\nprecious substance, he was able to purchase whatever he had a mind to;\nthe finest clothing, the noblest houses, great tracts of land, the most\ncostly meats and drinks, and have his choice of the most beautiful\nfemales. Therefore since money alone was able to perform all these\nfeats, our _Yahoos_ thought they could never have enough of it to\nspend, or to save, as they found themselves inclined, from their\nnatural bent either to profusion or avarice; that the rich man enjoyed\nthe fruit of the poor man’s labour, and the latter were a thousand to\none in proportion to the former; that the bulk of our people were\nforced to live miserably, by labouring every day for small wages, to\nmake a few live plentifully.”\n\nI enlarged myself much on these, and many other particulars to the same\npurpose; but his honour was still to seek; for he went upon a\nsupposition, that all animals had a title to their share in the\nproductions of the earth, and especially those who presided over the\nrest. Therefore he desired I would let him know, “what these costly\nmeats were, and how any of us happened to want them?” Whereupon I\nenumerated as many sorts as came into my head, with the various methods\nof dressing them, which could not be done without sending vessels by\nsea to every part of the world, as well for liquors to drink as for\nsauces and innumerable other conveniences. I assured him “that this\nwhole globe of earth must be at least three times gone round before one\nof our better female _Yahoos_ could get her breakfast, or a cup to put\nit in.” He said “that must needs be a miserable country which cannot\nfurnish food for its own inhabitants. But what he chiefly wondered at\nwas, how such vast tracts of ground as I described should be wholly\nwithout fresh water, and the people put to the necessity of sending\nover the sea for drink.” I replied “that England (the dear place of my\nnativity) was computed to produce three times the quantity of food more\nthan its inhabitants are able to consume, as well as liquors extracted\nfrom grain, or pressed out of the fruit of certain trees, which made\nexcellent drink, and the same proportion in every other convenience of\nlife. But, in order to feed the luxury and intemperance of the males,\nand the vanity of the females, we sent away the greatest part of our\nnecessary things to other countries, whence, in return, we brought the\nmaterials of diseases, folly, and vice, to spend among ourselves. Hence\nit follows of necessity, that vast numbers of our people are compelled\nto seek their livelihood by begging, robbing, stealing, cheating,\npimping, flattering, suborning, forswearing, forging, gaming, lying,\nfawning, hectoring, voting, scribbling, star-gazing, poisoning,\nwhoring, canting, libelling, freethinking, and the like occupations:”\nevery one of which terms I was at much pains to make him understand.\n\n“That wine was not imported among us from foreign countries to supply\nthe want of water or other drinks, but because it was a sort of liquid\nwhich made us merry by putting us out of our senses, diverted all\nmelancholy thoughts, begat wild extravagant imaginations in the brain,\nraised our hopes and banished our fears, suspended every office of\nreason for a time, and deprived us of the use of our limbs, till we\nfell into a profound sleep; although it must be confessed, that we\nalways awaked sick and dispirited; and that the use of this liquor\nfilled us with diseases which made our lives uncomfortable and short.\n\n“But beside all this, the bulk of our people supported themselves by\nfurnishing the necessities or conveniences of life to the rich and to\neach other. For instance, when I am at home, and dressed as I ought to\nbe, I carry on my body the workmanship of a hundred tradesmen; the\nbuilding and furniture of my house employ as many more, and five times\nthe number to adorn my wife.”\n\nI was going on to tell him of another sort of people, who get their\nlivelihood by attending the sick, having, upon some occasions, informed\nhis honour that many of my crew had died of diseases. But here it was\nwith the utmost difficulty that I brought him to apprehend what I\nmeant. “He could easily conceive, that a _Houyhnhnm_, grew weak and\nheavy a few days before his death, or by some accident might hurt a\nlimb; but that nature, who works all things to perfection, should\nsuffer any pains to breed in our bodies, he thought impossible, and\ndesired to know the reason of so unaccountable an evil.”\n\nI told him “we fed on a thousand things which operated contrary to each\nother; that we ate when we were not hungry, and drank without the\nprovocation of thirst; that we sat whole nights drinking strong\nliquors, without eating a bit, which disposed us to sloth, inflamed our\nbodies, and precipitated or prevented digestion; that prostitute female\n_Yahoos_ acquired a certain malady, which bred rottenness in the bones\nof those who fell into their embraces; that this, and many other\ndiseases, were propagated from father to son; so that great numbers\ncame into the world with complicated maladies upon them; that it would\nbe endless to give him a catalogue of all diseases incident to human\nbodies, for they would not be fewer than five or six hundred, spread\nover every limb and joint—in short, every part, external and intestine,\nhaving diseases appropriated to itself. To remedy which, there was a\nsort of people bred up among us in the profession, or pretence, of\ncuring the sick. And because I had some skill in the faculty, I would,\nin gratitude to his honour, let him know the whole mystery and method\nby which they proceed.\n\n“Their fundamental is, that all diseases arise from repletion; whence\nthey conclude, that a great evacuation of the body is necessary, either\nthrough the natural passage or upwards at the mouth. Their next\nbusiness is from herbs, minerals, gums, oils, shells, salts, juices,\nsea-weed, excrements, barks of trees, serpents, toads, frogs, spiders,\ndead men’s flesh and bones, birds, beasts, and fishes, to form a\ncomposition, for smell and taste, the most abominable, nauseous, and\ndetestable, they can possibly contrive, which the stomach immediately\nrejects with loathing, and this they call a vomit; or else, from the\nsame store-house, with some other poisonous additions, they command us\nto take in at the orifice above or below (just as the physician then\nhappens to be disposed) a medicine equally annoying and disgustful to\nthe bowels; which, relaxing the belly, drives down all before it; and\nthis they call a purge, or a clyster. For nature (as the physicians\nallege) having intended the superior anterior orifice only for the\nintromission of solids and liquids, and the inferior posterior for\nejection, these artists ingeniously considering that in all diseases\nnature is forced out of her seat, therefore, to replace her in it, the\nbody must be treated in a manner directly contrary, by interchanging\nthe use of each orifice; forcing solids and liquids in at the anus, and\nmaking evacuations at the mouth.\n\n“But, besides real diseases, we are subject to many that are only\nimaginary, for which the physicians have invented imaginary cures;\nthese have their several names, and so have the drugs that are proper\nfor them; and with these our female _Yahoos_ are always infested.\n\n“One great excellency in this tribe, is their skill at prognostics,\nwherein they seldom fail; their predictions in real diseases, when they\nrise to any degree of malignity, generally portending death, which is\nalways in their power, when recovery is not: and therefore, upon any\nunexpected signs of amendment, after they have pronounced their\nsentence, rather than be accused as false prophets, they know how to\napprove their sagacity to the world, by a seasonable dose.\n\n“They are likewise of special use to husbands and wives who are grown\nweary of their mates; to eldest sons, to great ministers of state, and\noften to princes.”\n\nI had formerly, upon occasion, discoursed with my master upon the\nnature of government in general, and particularly of our own excellent\nconstitution, deservedly the wonder and envy of the whole world. But\nhaving here accidentally mentioned a minister of state, he commanded\nme, some time after, to inform him, “what species of _Yahoo_ I\nparticularly meant by that appellation.”\n\nI told him, “that a first or chief minister of state, who was the\nperson I intended to describe, was the creature wholly exempt from joy\nand grief, love and hatred, pity and anger; at least, makes use of no\nother passions, but a violent desire of wealth, power, and titles; that\nhe applies his words to all uses, except to the indication of his mind;\nthat he never tells a truth but with an intent that you should take it\nfor a lie; nor a lie, but with a design that you should take it for a\ntruth; that those he speaks worst of behind their backs are in the\nsurest way of preferment; and whenever he begins to praise you to\nothers, or to yourself, you are from that day forlorn. The worst mark\nyou can receive is a promise, especially when it is confirmed with an\noath; after which, every wise man retires, and gives over all hopes.\n\n“There are three methods, by which a man may rise to be chief minister.\nThe first is, by knowing how, with prudence, to dispose of a wife, a\ndaughter, or a sister; the second, by betraying or undermining his\npredecessor; and the third is, by a furious zeal, in public assemblies,\nagainst the corruptions of the court. But a wise prince would rather\nchoose to employ those who practise the last of these methods; because\nsuch zealots prove always the most obsequious and subservient to the\nwill and passions of their master. That these ministers, having all\nemployments at their disposal, preserve themselves in power, by bribing\nthe majority of a senate or great council; and at last, by an\nexpedient, called an act of indemnity” (whereof I described the nature\nto him), “they secure themselves from after-reckonings, and retire from\nthe public laden with the spoils of the nation.\n\n“The palace of a chief minister is a seminary to breed up others in his\nown trade: the pages, lackeys, and porters, by imitating their master,\nbecome ministers of state in their several districts, and learn to\nexcel in the three principal ingredients, of insolence, lying, and\nbribery. Accordingly, they have a subaltern court paid to them by\npersons of the best rank; and sometimes by the force of dexterity and\nimpudence, arrive, through several gradations, to be successors to\ntheir lord.\n\n“He is usually governed by a decayed wench, or favourite footman, who\nare the tunnels through which all graces are conveyed, and may properly\nbe called, in the last resort, the governors of the kingdom.”\n\nOne day, in discourse, my master, having heard me mention the nobility\nof my country, was pleased to make me a compliment which I could not\npretend to deserve: “that he was sure I must have been born of some\nnoble family, because I far exceeded in shape, colour, and cleanliness,\nall the _Yahoos_ of his nation, although I seemed to fail in strength\nand agility, which must be imputed to my different way of living from\nthose other brutes; and besides I was not only endowed with the faculty\nof speech, but likewise with some rudiments of reason, to a degree\nthat, with all his acquaintance, I passed for a prodigy.”\n\nHe made me observe, “that among the _Houyhnhnms_, the white, the\nsorrel, and the iron-gray, were not so exactly shaped as the bay, the\ndapple-gray, and the black; nor born with equal talents of mind, or a\ncapacity to improve them; and therefore continued always in the\ncondition of servants, without ever aspiring to match out of their own\nrace, which in that country would be reckoned monstrous and unnatural.”\n\nI made his honour my most humble acknowledgments for the good opinion\nhe was pleased to conceive of me, but assured him at the same time,\n“that my birth was of the lower sort, having been born of plain honest\nparents, who were just able to give me a tolerable education; that\nnobility, among us, was altogether a different thing from the idea he\nhad of it; that our young noblemen are bred from their childhood in\nidleness and luxury; that, as soon as years will permit, they consume\ntheir vigour, and contract odious diseases among lewd females; and when\ntheir fortunes are almost ruined, they marry some woman of mean birth,\ndisagreeable person, and unsound constitution (merely for the sake of\nmoney), whom they hate and despise. That the productions of such\nmarriages are generally scrofulous, rickety, or deformed children; by\nwhich means the family seldom continues above three generations, unless\nthe wife takes care to provide a healthy father, among her neighbours\nor domestics, in order to improve and continue the breed. That a weak\ndiseased body, a meagre countenance, and sallow complexion, are the\ntrue marks of noble blood; and a healthy robust appearance is so\ndisgraceful in a man of quality, that the world concludes his real\nfather to have been a groom or a coachman. The imperfections of his\nmind run parallel with those of his body, being a composition of\nspleen, dullness, ignorance, caprice, sensuality, and pride.\n\n“Without the consent of this illustrious body, no law can be enacted,\nrepealed, or altered: and these nobles have likewise the decision of\nall our possessions, without appeal.” [514]\n\n\nCHAPTER VII.\n\nThe author’s great love of his native country. His master’s\nobservations upon the constitution and administration of England, as\ndescribed by the author, with parallel cases and comparisons. His\nmaster’s observations upon human nature.\n\n\nThe reader may be disposed to wonder how I could prevail on myself to\ngive so free a representation of my own species, among a race of\nmortals who are already too apt to conceive the vilest opinion of\nhumankind, from that entire congruity between me and their _Yahoos_.\nBut I must freely confess, that the many virtues of those excellent\nquadrupeds, placed in opposite view to human corruptions, had so far\nopened my eyes and enlarged my understanding, that I began to view the\nactions and passions of man in a very different light, and to think the\nhonour of my own kind not worth managing; which, besides, it was\nimpossible for me to do, before a person of so acute a judgment as my\nmaster, who daily convinced me of a thousand faults in myself, whereof\nI had not the least perception before, and which, with us, would never\nbe numbered even among human infirmities. I had likewise learned, from\nhis example, an utter detestation of all falsehood or disguise; and\ntruth appeared so amiable to me, that I determined upon sacrificing\nevery thing to it.\n\nLet me deal so candidly with the reader as to confess that there was\nyet a much stronger motive for the freedom I took in my representation\nof things. I had not yet been a year in this country before I\ncontracted such a love and veneration for the inhabitants, that I\nentered on a firm resolution never to return to humankind, but to pass\nthe rest of my life among these admirable _Houyhnhnms_, in the\ncontemplation and practice of every virtue, where I could have no\nexample or incitement to vice. But it was decreed by fortune, my\nperpetual enemy, that so great a felicity should not fall to my share.\nHowever, it is now some comfort to reflect, that in what I said of my\ncountrymen, I extenuated their faults as much as I durst before so\nstrict an examiner; and upon every article gave as favourable a turn as\nthe matter would bear. For, indeed, who is there alive that will not be\nswayed by his bias and partiality to the place of his birth?\n\nI have related the substance of several conversations I had with my\nmaster during the greatest part of the time I had the honour to be in\nhis service; but have, indeed, for brevity sake, omitted much more than\nis here set down.\n\nWhen I had answered all his questions, and his curiosity seemed to be\nfully satisfied, he sent for me one morning early, and commanded me to\nsit down at some distance (an honour which he had never before\nconferred upon me). He said, “he had been very seriously considering my\nwhole story, as far as it related both to myself and my country; that\nhe looked upon us as a sort of animals, to whose share, by what\naccident he could not conjecture, some small pittance of reason had\nfallen, whereof we made no other use, than by its assistance, to\naggravate our natural corruptions, and to acquire new ones, which\nnature had not given us; that we disarmed ourselves of the few\nabilities she had bestowed; had been very successful in multiplying our\noriginal wants, and seemed to spend our whole lives in vain endeavours\nto supply them by our own inventions; that, as to myself, it was\nmanifest I had neither the strength nor agility of a common _Yahoo_;\nthat I walked infirmly on my hinder feet; had found out a contrivance\nto make my claws of no use or defence, and to remove the hair from my\nchin, which was intended as a shelter from the sun and the weather:\nlastly, that I could neither run with speed, nor climb trees like my\nbrethren,” as he called them, “the _Yahoos_ in his country.\n\n“That our institutions of government and law were plainly owing to our\ngross defects in reason, and by consequence in virtue; because reason\nalone is sufficient to govern a rational creature; which was,\ntherefore, a character we had no pretence to challenge, even from the\naccount I had given of my own people; although he manifestly perceived,\nthat, in order to favour them, I had concealed many particulars, and\noften said the thing which was not.\n\n“He was the more confirmed in this opinion, because, he observed, that\nas I agreed in every feature of my body with other _Yahoos_, except\nwhere it was to my real disadvantage in point of strength, speed, and\nactivity, the shortness of my claws, and some other particulars where\nnature had no part; so from the representation I had given him of our\nlives, our manners, and our actions, he found as near a resemblance in\nthe disposition of our minds.” He said, “the _Yahoos_ were known to\nhate one another, more than they did any different species of animals;\nand the reason usually assigned was, the odiousness of their own\nshapes, which all could see in the rest, but not in themselves. He had\ntherefore begun to think it not unwise in us to cover our bodies, and\nby that invention conceal many of our deformities from each other,\nwhich would else be hardly supportable. But he now found he had been\nmistaken, and that the dissensions of those brutes in his country were\nowing to the same cause with ours, as I had described them. For if,”\nsaid he, “you throw among five _Yahoos_ as much food as would be\nsufficient for fifty, they will, instead of eating peaceably, fall\ntogether by the ears, each single one impatient to have all to itself;\nand therefore a servant was usually employed to stand by while they\nwere feeding abroad, and those kept at home were tied at a distance\nfrom each other: that if a cow died of age or accident, before a\n_Houyhnhnm_ could secure it for his own _Yahoos_, those in the\nneighbourhood would come in herds to seize it, and then would ensue\nsuch a battle as I had described, with terrible wounds made by their\nclaws on both sides, although they seldom were able to kill one\nanother, for want of such convenient instruments of death as we had\ninvented. At other times, the like battles have been fought between the\n_Yahoos_ of several neighbourhoods, without any visible cause; those of\none district watching all opportunities to surprise the next, before\nthey are prepared. But if they find their project has miscarried, they\nreturn home, and, for want of enemies, engage in what I call a civil\nwar among themselves.\n\n“That in some fields of his country there are certain shining stones of\nseveral colours, whereof the _Yahoos_ are violently fond: and when part\nof these stones is fixed in the earth, as it sometimes happens, they\nwill dig with their claws for whole days to get them out; then carry\nthem away, and hide them by heaps in their kennels; but still looking\nround with great caution, for fear their comrades should find out their\ntreasure.” My master said, “he could never discover the reason of this\nunnatural appetite, or how these stones could be of any use to a\n_Yahoo_; but now he believed it might proceed from the same principle\nof avarice which I had ascribed to mankind. That he had once, by way of\nexperiment, privately removed a heap of these stones from the place\nwhere one of his _Yahoos_ had buried it; whereupon the sordid animal,\nmissing his treasure, by his loud lamenting brought the whole herd to\nthe place, there miserably howled, then fell to biting and tearing the\nrest, began to pine away, would neither eat, nor sleep, nor work, till\nhe ordered a servant privately to convey the stones into the same hole,\nand hide them as before; which, when his _Yahoo_ had found, he\npresently recovered his spirits and good humour, but took good care to\nremove them to a better hiding place, and has ever since been a very\nserviceable brute.”\n\nMy master further assured me, which I also observed myself, “that in\nthe fields where the shining stones abound, the fiercest and most\nfrequent battles are fought, occasioned by perpetual inroads of the\nneighbouring _Yahoos_.”\n\nHe said, “it was common, when two _Yahoos_ discovered such a stone in a\nfield, and were contending which of them should be the proprietor, a\nthird would take the advantage, and carry it away from them both;”\nwhich my master would needs contend to have some kind of resemblance\nwith our suits at law; wherein I thought it for our credit not to\nundeceive him; since the decision he mentioned was much more equitable\nthan many decrees among us; because the plaintiff and defendant there\nlost nothing beside the stone they contended for: whereas our courts of\nequity would never have dismissed the cause, while either of them had\nany thing left.\n\nMy master, continuing his discourse, said, “there was nothing that\nrendered the _Yahoos_ more odious, than their undistinguishing appetite\nto devour every thing that came in their way, whether herbs, roots,\nberries, the corrupted flesh of animals, or all mingled together: and\nit was peculiar in their temper, that they were fonder of what they\ncould get by rapine or stealth, at a greater distance, than much better\nfood provided for them at home. If their prey held out, they would eat\ntill they were ready to burst; after which, nature had pointed out to\nthem a certain root that gave them a general evacuation.\n\n“There was also another kind of root, very juicy, but somewhat rare and\ndifficult to be found, which the _Yahoos_ sought for with much\neagerness, and would suck it with great delight; it produced in them\nthe same effects that wine has upon us. It would make them sometimes\nhug, and sometimes tear one another; they would howl, and grin, and\nchatter, and reel, and tumble, and then fall asleep in the mud.”\n\nI did indeed observe that the _Yahoos_ were the only animals in this\ncountry subject to any diseases; which, however, were much fewer than\nhorses have among us, and contracted, not by any ill-treatment they\nmeet with, but by the nastiness and greediness of that sordid brute.\nNeither has their language any more than a general appellation for\nthose maladies, which is borrowed from the name of the beast, and\ncalled _hnea-yahoo_, or _Yahoo’s evil_; and the cure prescribed is a\nmixture of their own dung and urine, forcibly put down the _Yahoo’s_\nthroat. This I have since often known to have been taken with success,\nand do here freely recommend it to my countrymen for the public good,\nas an admirable specific against all diseases produced by repletion.\n\n“As to learning, government, arts, manufactures, and the like,” my\nmaster confessed, “he could find little or no resemblance between the\n_Yahoos_ of that country and those in ours; for he only meant to\nobserve what parity there was in our natures. He had heard, indeed,\nsome curious _Houyhnhnms_ observe, that in most herds there was a sort\nof ruling _Yahoo_ (as among us there is generally some leading or\nprincipal stag in a park), who was always more deformed in body, and\nmischievous in disposition, than any of the rest; that this leader had\nusually a favourite as like himself as he could get, whose employment\nwas to lick his master’s feet and posteriors, and drive the female\n_Yahoos_ to his kennel; for which he was now and then rewarded with a\npiece of ass’s flesh. This favourite is hated by the whole herd, and\ntherefore, to protect himself, keeps always near the person of his\nleader. He usually continues in office till a worse can be found; but\nthe very moment he is discarded, his successor, at the head of all the\n_Yahoos_ in that district, young and old, male and female, come in a\nbody, and discharge their excrements upon him from head to foot. But\nhow far this might be applicable to our courts, and favourites, and\nministers of state, my master said I could best determine.”\n\nI durst make no return to this malicious insinuation, which debased\nhuman understanding below the sagacity of a common hound, who has\njudgment enough to distinguish and follow the cry of the ablest dog in\nthe pack, without being ever mistaken.\n\nMy master told me, “there were some qualities remarkable in the\n_Yahoos_, which he had not observed me to mention, or at least very\nslightly, in the accounts I had given of humankind.” He said, “those\nanimals, like other brutes, had their females in common; but in this\nthey differed, that the she _Yahoo_ would admit the males while she was\npregnant; and that the hes would quarrel and fight with the females, as\nfiercely as with each other; both which practices were such degrees of\ninfamous brutality, as no other sensitive creature ever arrived at.\n\n“Another thing he wondered at in the _Yahoos_, was their strange\ndisposition to nastiness and dirt; whereas there appears to be a\nnatural love of cleanliness in all other animals.” As to the two former\naccusations, I was glad to let them pass without any reply, because I\nhad not a word to offer upon them in defence of my species, which\notherwise I certainly had done from my own inclinations. But I could\nhave easily vindicated humankind from the imputation of singularity\nupon the last article, if there had been any swine in that country (as\nunluckily for me there were not), which, although it may be a sweeter\nquadruped than a _Yahoo_, cannot, I humbly conceive, in justice,\npretend to more cleanliness; and so his honour himself must have owned,\nif he had seen their filthy way of feeding, and their custom of\nwallowing and sleeping in the mud.\n\nMy master likewise mentioned another quality which his servants had\ndiscovered in several Yahoos, and to him was wholly unaccountable. He\nsaid, “a fancy would sometimes take a _Yahoo_ to retire into a corner,\nto lie down, and howl, and groan, and spurn away all that came near\nhim, although he were young and fat, wanted neither food nor water, nor\ndid the servant imagine what could possibly ail him. And the only\nremedy they found was, to set him to hard work, after which he would\ninfallibly come to himself.” To this I was silent out of partiality to\nmy own kind; yet here I could plainly discover the true seeds of\nspleen, which only seizes on the lazy, the luxurious, and the rich;\nwho, if they were forced to undergo the same regimen, I would undertake\nfor the cure.\n\nHis honour had further observed, “that a female _Yahoo_ would often\nstand behind a bank or a bush, to gaze on the young males passing by,\nand then appear, and hide, using many antic gestures and grimaces, at\nwhich time it was observed that she had a most offensive smell; and\nwhen any of the males advanced, would slowly retire, looking often\nback, and with a counterfeit show of fear, run off into some convenient\nplace, where she knew the male would follow her.\n\n“At other times, if a female stranger came among them, three or four of\nher own sex would get about her, and stare, and chatter, and grin, and\nsmell her all over; and then turn off with gestures, that seemed to\nexpress contempt and disdain.”\n\nPerhaps my master might refine a little in these speculations, which he\nhad drawn from what he observed himself, or had been told him by\nothers; however, I could not reflect without some amazement, and much\nsorrow, that the rudiments of lewdness, coquetry, censure, and scandal,\nshould have place by instinct in womankind.\n\nI expected every moment that my master would accuse the _Yahoos_ of\nthose unnatural appetites in both sexes, so common among us. But\nnature, it seems, has not been so expert a school-mistress; and these\npoliter pleasures are entirely the productions of art and reason on our\nside of the globe.\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII.\n\nThe author relates several particulars of the _Yahoos_. The great\nvirtues of the _Houyhnhnms_. The education and exercise of their youth.\nTheir general assembly.\n\n\nAs I ought to have understood human nature much better than I supposed\nit possible for my master to do, so it was easy to apply the character\nhe gave of the _Yahoos_ to myself and my countrymen; and I believed I\ncould yet make further discoveries, from my own observation. I\ntherefore often begged his honour to let me go among the herds of\n_Yahoos_ in the neighbourhood; to which he always very graciously\nconsented, being perfectly convinced that the hatred I bore these\nbrutes would never suffer me to be corrupted by them; and his honour\nordered one of his servants, a strong sorrel nag, very honest and\ngood-natured, to be my guard; without whose protection I durst not\nundertake such adventures. For I have already told the reader how much\nI was pestered by these odious animals, upon my first arrival; and I\nafterwards failed very narrowly, three or four times, of falling into\ntheir clutches, when I happened to stray at any distance without my\nhanger. And I have reason to believe they had some imagination that I\nwas of their own species, which I often assisted myself by stripping up\nmy sleeves, and showing my naked arms and breast in their sight, when\nmy protector was with me. At which times they would approach as near as\nthey durst, and imitate my actions after the manner of monkeys, but\never with great signs of hatred; as a tame jackdaw with cap and\nstockings is always persecuted by the wild ones, when he happens to be\ngot among them.\n\nThey are prodigiously nimble from their infancy. However, I once caught\na young male of three years old, and endeavoured, by all marks of\ntenderness, to make it quiet; but the little imp fell a squalling and\nscratching and biting with such violence, that I was forced to let it\ngo; and it was high time, for a whole troop of old ones came about us\nat the noise, but finding the cub was safe (for away it ran), and my\nsorrel nag being by, they durst not venture near us. I observed the\nyoung animal’s flesh to smell very rank, and the stink was somewhat\nbetween a weasel and a fox, but much more disagreeable. I forgot\nanother circumstance (and perhaps I might have the reader’s pardon if\nit were wholly omitted), that while I held the odious vermin in my\nhands, it voided its filthy excrements of a yellow liquid substance all\nover my clothes; but by good fortune there was a small brook hard by,\nwhere I washed myself as clean as I could; although I durst not come\ninto my master’s presence until I were sufficiently aired.\n\nBy what I could discover, the _Yahoos_ appear to be the most\nunteachable of all animals, their capacity never reaching higher than\nto draw or carry burdens. Yet I am of opinion this defect arises\nchiefly from a perverse, restive disposition; for they are cunning,\nmalicious, treacherous, and revengeful. They are strong and hardy, but\nof a cowardly spirit, and, by consequence, insolent, abject, and cruel.\nIt is observed, that the red haired of both sexes are more libidinous\nand mischievous than the rest, whom yet they much exceed in strength\nand activity.\n\nThe _Houyhnhnms_ keep the _Yahoos_ for present use in huts not far from\nthe house; but the rest are sent abroad to certain fields, where they\ndig up roots, eat several kinds of herbs, and search about for carrion,\nor sometimes catch weasels and _luhimuhs_ (a sort of wild rat), which\nthey greedily devour. Nature has taught them to dig deep holes with\ntheir nails on the side of a rising ground, wherein they lie by\nthemselves; only the kennels of the females are larger, sufficient to\nhold two or three cubs.\n\nThey swim from their infancy like frogs, and are able to continue long\nunder water, where they often take fish, which the females carry home\nto their young. And, upon this occasion, I hope the reader will pardon\nmy relating an odd adventure.\n\nBeing one day abroad with my protector the sorrel nag, and the weather\nexceeding hot, I entreated him to let me bathe in a river that was\nnear. He consented, and I immediately stripped myself stark naked, and\nwent down softly into the stream. It happened that a young female\n_Yahoo_, standing behind a bank, saw the whole proceeding, and inflamed\nby desire, as the nag and I conjectured, came running with all speed,\nand leaped into the water, within five yards of the place where I\nbathed. I was never in my life so terribly frightened. The nag was\ngrazing at some distance, not suspecting any harm. She embraced me\nafter a most fulsome manner. I roared as loud as I could, and the nag\ncame galloping towards me, whereupon she quitted her grasp, with the\nutmost reluctancy, and leaped upon the opposite bank, where she stood\ngazing and howling all the time I was putting on my clothes.\n\nThis was a matter of diversion to my master and his family, as well as\nof mortification to myself. For now I could no longer deny that I was a\nreal _Yahoo_ in every limb and feature, since the females had a natural\npropensity to me, as one of their own species. Neither was the hair of\nthis brute of a red colour (which might have been some excuse for an\nappetite a little irregular), but black as a sloe, and her countenance\ndid not make an appearance altogether so hideous as the rest of her\nkind; for I think she could not be above eleven years old.\n\nHaving lived three years in this country, the reader, I suppose, will\nexpect that I should, like other travellers, give him some account of\nthe manners and customs of its inhabitants, which it was indeed my\nprincipal study to learn.\n\nAs these noble _Houyhnhnms_ are endowed by nature with a general\ndisposition to all virtues, and have no conceptions or ideas of what is\nevil in a rational creature, so their grand maxim is, to cultivate\nreason, and to be wholly governed by it. Neither is reason among them a\npoint problematical, as with us, where men can argue with plausibility\non both sides of the question, but strikes you with immediate\nconviction; as it must needs do, where it is not mingled, obscured, or\ndiscoloured, by passion and interest. I remember it was with extreme\ndifficulty that I could bring my master to understand the meaning of\nthe word opinion, or how a point could be disputable; because reason\ntaught us to affirm or deny only where we are certain; and beyond our\nknowledge we cannot do either. So that controversies, wranglings,\ndisputes, and positiveness, in false or dubious propositions, are evils\nunknown among the _Houyhnhnms_. In the like manner, when I used to\nexplain to him our several systems of natural philosophy, he would\nlaugh, “that a creature pretending to reason, should value itself upon\nthe knowledge of other people’s conjectures, and in things where that\nknowledge, if it were certain, could be of no use.” Wherein he agreed\nentirely with the sentiments of Socrates, as Plato delivers them; which\nI mention as the highest honour I can do that prince of philosophers. I\nhave often since reflected, what destruction such doctrine would make\nin the libraries of Europe; and how many paths of fame would be then\nshut up in the learned world.\n\nFriendship and benevolence are the two principal virtues among the\n_Houyhnhnms_; and these not confined to particular objects, but\nuniversal to the whole race; for a stranger from the remotest part is\nequally treated with the nearest neighbour, and wherever he goes, looks\nupon himself as at home. They preserve decency and civility in the\nhighest degrees, but are altogether ignorant of ceremony. They have no\nfondness for their colts or foals, but the care they take in educating\nthem proceeds entirely from the dictates of reason. And I observed my\nmaster to show the same affection to his neighbour’s issue, that he had\nfor his own. They will have it that nature teaches them to love the\nwhole species, and it is reason only that makes a distinction of\npersons, where there is a superior degree of virtue.\n\nWhen the matron _Houyhnhnms_ have produced one of each sex, they no\nlonger accompany with their consorts, except they lose one of their\nissue by some casualty, which very seldom happens; but in such a case\nthey meet again; or when the like accident befalls a person whose wife\nis past bearing, some other couple bestow on him one of their own\ncolts, and then go together again until the mother is pregnant. This\ncaution is necessary, to prevent the country from being overburdened\nwith numbers. But the race of inferior _Houyhnhnms_, bred up to be\nservants, is not so strictly limited upon this article: these are\nallowed to produce three of each sex, to be domestics in the noble\nfamilies.\n\nIn their marriages, they are exactly careful to choose such colours as\nwill not make any disagreeable mixture in the breed. Strength is\nchiefly valued in the male, and comeliness in the female; not upon the\naccount of love, but to preserve the race from degenerating; for where\na female happens to excel in strength, a consort is chosen, with regard\nto comeliness.\n\nCourtship, love, presents, jointures, settlements have no place in\ntheir thoughts, or terms whereby to express them in their language. The\nyoung couple meet, and are joined, merely because it is the\ndetermination of their parents and friends; it is what they see done\nevery day, and they look upon it as one of the necessary actions of a\nreasonable being. But the violation of marriage, or any other\nunchastity, was never heard of; and the married pair pass their lives\nwith the same friendship and mutual benevolence, that they bear to all\nothers of the same species who come in their way, without jealousy,\nfondness, quarrelling, or discontent.\n\nIn educating the youth of both sexes, their method is admirable, and\nhighly deserves our imitation. These are not suffered to taste a grain\nof oats, except upon certain days, till eighteen years old; nor milk,\nbut very rarely; and in summer they graze two hours in the morning, and\nas many in the evening, which their parents likewise observe; but the\nservants are not allowed above half that time, and a great part of\ntheir grass is brought home, which they eat at the most convenient\nhours, when they can be best spared from work.\n\nTemperance, industry, exercise, and cleanliness, are the lessons\nequally enjoined to the young ones of both sexes: and my master thought\nit monstrous in us, to give the females a different kind of education\nfrom the males, except in some articles of domestic management;\nwhereby, as he truly observed, one half of our natives were good for\nnothing but bringing children into the world; and to trust the care of\nour children to such useless animals, he said, was yet a greater\ninstance of brutality.\n\nBut the _Houyhnhnms_ train up their youth to strength, speed, and\nhardiness, by exercising them in running races up and down steep hills,\nand over hard stony grounds; and when they are all in a sweat, they are\nordered to leap over head and ears into a pond or river. Four times a\nyear the youth of a certain district meet to show their proficiency in\nrunning and leaping, and other feats of strength and agility; where the\nvictor is rewarded with a song in his or her praise. On this festival,\nthe servants drive a herd of _Yahoos_ into the field, laden with hay,\nand oats, and milk, for a repast to the _Houyhnhnms_; after which,\nthese brutes are immediately driven back again, for fear of being\nnoisome to the assembly.\n\nEvery fourth year, at the vernal equinox, there is a representative\ncouncil of the whole nation, which meets in a plain about twenty miles\nfrom our house, and continues about five or six days. Here they inquire\ninto the state and condition of the several districts; whether they\nabound or be deficient in hay or oats, or cows, or _Yahoos_; and\nwherever there is any want (which is but seldom) it is immediately\nsupplied by unanimous consent and contribution. Here likewise the\nregulation of children is settled: as for instance, if a _Houyhnhnm_\nhas two males, he changes one of them with another that has two\nfemales; and when a child has been lost by any casualty, where the\nmother is past breeding, it is determined what family in the district\nshall breed another to supply the loss.\n\n\nCHAPTER IX.\n\nA grand debate at the general assembly of the _Houyhnhnms_, and how it\nwas determined. The learning of the _Houyhnhnms_. Their buildings.\nTheir manner of burials. The defectiveness of their language.\n\n\nOne of these grand assemblies was held in my time, about three months\nbefore my departure, whither my master went as the representative of\nour district. In this council was resumed their old debate, and indeed\nthe only debate that ever happened in their country; whereof my master,\nafter his return, gave me a very particular account.\n\nThe question to be debated was, “whether the _Yahoos_ should be\nexterminated from the face of the earth?” One of the members for the\naffirmative offered several arguments of great strength and weight,\nalleging, “that as the _Yahoos_ were the most filthy, noisome, and\ndeformed animals which nature ever produced, so they were the most\nrestive and indocible, mischievous and malicious; they would privately\nsuck the teats of the _Houyhnhnms’_ cows, kill and devour their cats,\ntrample down their oats and grass, if they were not continually\nwatched, and commit a thousand other extravagancies.” He took notice of\na general tradition, “that _Yahoos_ had not been always in their\ncountry; but that many ages ago, two of these brutes appeared together\nupon a mountain; whether produced by the heat of the sun upon corrupted\nmud and slime, or from the ooze and froth of the sea, was never known;\nthat these _Yahoos_ engendered, and their brood, in a short time, grew\nso numerous as to overrun and infest the whole nation; that the\n_Houyhnhnms_, to get rid of this evil, made a general hunting, and at\nlast enclosed the whole herd; and destroying the elder, every\n_Houyhnhnm_ kept two young ones in a kennel, and brought them to such a\ndegree of tameness, as an animal, so savage by nature, can be capable\nof acquiring, using them for draught and carriage; that there seemed to\nbe much truth in this tradition, and that those creatures could not be\n_yinhniamshy_ (or _aborigines_ of the land), because of the violent\nhatred the _Houyhnhnms_, as well as all other animals, bore them,\nwhich, although their evil disposition sufficiently deserved, could\nnever have arrived at so high a degree if they had been _aborigines_,\nor else they would have long since been rooted out; that the\ninhabitants, taking a fancy to use the service of the _Yahoos_, had,\nvery imprudently, neglected to cultivate the breed of asses, which are\na comely animal, easily kept, more tame and orderly, without any\noffensive smell, strong enough for labour, although they yield to the\nother in agility of body, and if their braying be no agreeable sound,\nit is far preferable to the horrible howlings of the _Yahoos_.”\n\nSeveral others declared their sentiments to the same purpose, when my\nmaster proposed an expedient to the assembly, whereof he had indeed\nborrowed the hint from me. “He approved of the tradition mentioned by\nthe honourable member who spoke before, and affirmed, that the two\n_Yahoos_ said to be seen first among them, had been driven thither over\nthe sea; that coming to land, and being forsaken by their companions,\nthey retired to the mountains, and degenerating by degrees, became in\nprocess of time much more savage than those of their own species in the\ncountry whence these two originals came. The reason of this assertion\nwas, that he had now in his possession a certain wonderful _Yahoo_\n(meaning myself) which most of them had heard of, and many of them had\nseen. He then related to them how he first found me; that my body was\nall covered with an artificial composure of the skins and hairs of\nother animals; that I spoke in a language of my own, and had thoroughly\nlearned theirs; that I had related to him the accidents which brought\nme thither; that when he saw me without my covering, I was an exact\n_Yahoo_ in every part, only of a whiter colour, less hairy, and with\nshorter claws. He added, how I had endeavoured to persuade him, that in\nmy own and other countries, the _Yahoos_ acted as the governing,\nrational animal, and held the _Houyhnhnms_ in servitude; that he\nobserved in me all the qualities of a _Yahoo_, only a little more\ncivilized by some tincture of reason, which, however, was in a degree\nas far inferior to the _Houyhnhnm_ race, as the _Yahoos_ of their\ncountry were to me; that, among other things, I mentioned a custom we\nhad of castrating _Houyhnhnms_ when they were young, in order to render\nthem tame; that the operation was easy and safe; that it was no shame\nto learn wisdom from brutes, as industry is taught by the ant, and\nbuilding by the swallow (for so I translate the word _lyhannh_,\nalthough it be a much larger fowl); that this invention might be\npractised upon the younger _Yahoos_ here, which besides rendering them\ntractable and fitter for use, would in an age put an end to the whole\nspecies, without destroying life; that in the mean time the\n_Houyhnhnms_ should be exhorted to cultivate the breed of asses, which,\nas they are in all respects more valuable brutes, so they have this\nadvantage, to be fit for service at five years old, which the others\nare not till twelve.”\n\nThis was all my master thought fit to tell me, at that time, of what\npassed in the grand council. But he was pleased to conceal one\nparticular, which related personally to myself, whereof I soon felt the\nunhappy effect, as the reader will know in its proper place, and whence\nI date all the succeeding misfortunes of my life.\n\nThe _Houyhnhnms_ have no letters, and consequently their knowledge is\nall traditional. But there happening few events of any moment among a\npeople so well united, naturally disposed to every virtue, wholly\ngoverned by reason, and cut off from all commerce with other nations,\nthe historical part is easily preserved without burdening their\nmemories. I have already observed that they are subject to no diseases,\nand therefore can have no need of physicians. However, they have\nexcellent medicines, composed of herbs, to cure accidental bruises and\ncuts in the pastern or frog of the foot, by sharp stones, as well as\nother maims and hurts in the several parts of the body.\n\nThey calculate the year by the revolution of the sun and moon, but use\nno subdivisions into weeks. They are well enough acquainted with the\nmotions of those two luminaries, and understand the nature of eclipses;\nand this is the utmost progress of their astronomy.\n\nIn poetry, they must be allowed to excel all other mortals; wherein the\njustness of their similes, and the minuteness as well as exactness of\ntheir descriptions, are indeed inimitable. Their verses abound very\nmuch in both of these, and usually contain either some exalted notions\nof friendship and benevolence or the praises of those who were victors\nin races and other bodily exercises. Their buildings, although very\nrude and simple, are not inconvenient, but well contrived to defend\nthem from all injuries of cold and heat. They have a kind of tree,\nwhich at forty years old loosens in the root, and falls with the first\nstorm: it grows very straight, and being pointed like stakes with a\nsharp stone (for the _Houyhnhnms_ know not the use of iron), they stick\nthem erect in the ground, about ten inches asunder, and then weave in\noat straw, or sometimes wattles, between them. The roof is made after\nthe same manner, and so are the doors.\n\nThe _Houyhnhnms_ use the hollow part, between the pastern and the hoof\nof their fore-foot, as we do our hands, and this with greater dexterity\nthan I could at first imagine. I have seen a white mare of our family\nthread a needle (which I lent her on purpose) with that joint. They\nmilk their cows, reap their oats, and do all the work which requires\nhands, in the same manner. They have a kind of hard flints, which, by\ngrinding against other stones, they form into instruments, that serve\ninstead of wedges, axes, and hammers. With tools made of these flints,\nthey likewise cut their hay, and reap their oats, which there grow\nnaturally in several fields; the _Yahoos_ draw home the sheaves in\ncarriages, and the servants tread them in certain covered huts to get\nout the grain, which is kept in stores. They make a rude kind of\nearthen and wooden vessels, and bake the former in the sun.\n\nIf they can avoid casualties, they die only of old age, and are buried\nin the obscurest places that can be found, their friends and relations\nexpressing neither joy nor grief at their departure; nor does the dying\nperson discover the least regret that he is leaving the world, any more\nthan if he were upon returning home from a visit to one of his\nneighbours. I remember my master having once made an appointment with a\nfriend and his family to come to his house, upon some affair of\nimportance: on the day fixed, the mistress and her two children came\nvery late; she made two excuses, first for her husband, who, as she\nsaid, happened that very morning to _shnuwnh_. The word is strongly\nexpressive in their language, but not easily rendered into English; it\nsignifies, “to retire to his first mother.” Her excuse for not coming\nsooner, was, that her husband dying late in the morning, she was a good\nwhile consulting her servants about a convenient place where his body\nshould be laid; and I observed, she behaved herself at our house as\ncheerfully as the rest. She died about three months after.\n\nThey live generally to seventy, or seventy-five years, very seldom to\nfourscore. Some weeks before their death, they feel a gradual decay;\nbut without pain. During this time they are much visited by their\nfriends, because they cannot go abroad with their usual ease and\nsatisfaction. However, about ten days before their death, which they\nseldom fail in computing, they return the visits that have been made\nthem by those who are nearest in the neighbourhood, being carried in a\nconvenient sledge drawn by _Yahoos_; which vehicle they use, not only\nupon this occasion, but when they grow old, upon long journeys, or when\nthey are lamed by any accident: and therefore when the dying\n_Houyhnhnms_ return those visits, they take a solemn leave of their\nfriends, as if they were going to some remote part of the country,\nwhere they designed to pass the rest of their lives.\n\nI know not whether it may be worth observing, that the _Houyhnhnms_\nhave no word in their language to express any thing that is evil,\nexcept what they borrow from the deformities or ill qualities of the\n_Yahoos_. Thus they denote the folly of a servant, an omission of a\nchild, a stone that cuts their feet, a continuance of foul or\nunseasonable weather, and the like, by adding to each the epithet of\n_Yahoo_. For instance, _hhnm Yahoo_; _whnaholm Yahoo_, _ynlhmndwihlma\nYahoo_, and an ill-contrived house _ynholmhnmrohlnw Yahoo_.\n\nI could, with great pleasure, enlarge further upon the manners and\nvirtues of this excellent people; but intending in a short time to\npublish a volume by itself, expressly upon that subject, I refer the\nreader thither; and, in the mean time, proceed to relate my own sad\ncatastrophe.\n\n\nCHAPTER X.\n\nThe author’s economy, and happy life among the Houyhnhnms. His great\nimprovement in virtue by conversing with them. Their conversations. The\nauthor has notice given him by his master, that he must depart from the\ncountry. He falls into a swoon for grief; but submits. He contrives and\nfinishes a canoe by the help of a fellow-servant, and puts to sea at a\nventure.\n\n\nI had settled my little economy to my own heart’s content. My master\nhad ordered a room to be made for me, after their manner, about six\nyards from the house: the sides and floors of which I plastered with\nclay, and covered with rush-mats of my own contriving. I had beaten\nhemp, which there grows wild, and made of it a sort of ticking; this I\nfilled with the feathers of several birds I had taken with springes\nmade of _Yahoos’_ hairs, and were excellent food. I had worked two\nchairs with my knife, the sorrel nag helping me in the grosser and more\nlaborious part. When my clothes were worn to rags, I made myself others\nwith the skins of rabbits, and of a certain beautiful animal, about the\nsame size, called _nnuhnoh_, the skin of which is covered with a fine\ndown. Of these I also made very tolerable stockings. I soled my shoes\nwith wood, which I cut from a tree, and fitted to the upper-leather;\nand when this was worn out, I supplied it with the skins of _Yahoos_\ndried in the sun. I often got honey out of hollow trees, which I\nmingled with water, or ate with my bread. No man could more verify the\ntruth of these two maxims, “That nature is very easily satisfied;” and,\n“That necessity is the mother of invention.” I enjoyed perfect health\nof body, and tranquillity of mind; I did not feel the treachery or\ninconstancy of a friend, nor the injuries of a secret or open enemy. I\nhad no occasion of bribing, flattering, or pimping, to procure the\nfavour of any great man, or of his minion; I wanted no fence against\nfraud or oppression: here was neither physician to destroy my body, nor\nlawyer to ruin my fortune; no informer to watch my words and actions,\nor forge accusations against me for hire: here were no gibers,\ncensurers, backbiters, pickpockets, highwaymen, housebreakers,\nattorneys, bawds, buffoons, gamesters, politicians, wits, splenetics,\ntedious talkers, controvertists, ravishers, murderers, robbers,\nvirtuosos; no leaders, or followers, of party and faction; no\nencouragers to vice, by seducement or examples; no dungeon, axes,\ngibbets, whipping-posts, or pillories; no cheating shopkeepers or\nmechanics; no pride, vanity, or affectation; no fops, bullies,\ndrunkards, strolling whores, or poxes; no ranting, lewd, expensive\nwives; no stupid, proud pedants; no importunate, overbearing,\nquarrelsome, noisy, roaring, empty, conceited, swearing companions; no\nscoundrels raised from the dust upon the merit of their vices, or\nnobility thrown into it on account of their virtues; no lords,\nfiddlers, judges, or dancing-masters.\n\nI had the favour of being admitted to several _Houyhnhnms_, who came to\nvisit or dine with my master; where his honour graciously suffered me\nto wait in the room, and listen to their discourse. Both he and his\ncompany would often descend to ask me questions, and receive my\nanswers. I had also sometimes the honour of attending my master in his\nvisits to others. I never presumed to speak, except in answer to a\nquestion; and then I did it with inward regret, because it was a loss\nof so much time for improving myself; but I was infinitely delighted\nwith the station of an humble auditor in such conversations, where\nnothing passed but what was useful, expressed in the fewest and most\nsignificant words; where, as I have already said, the greatest decency\nwas observed, without the least degree of ceremony; where no person\nspoke without being pleased himself, and pleasing his companions; where\nthere was no interruption, tediousness, heat, or difference of\nsentiments. They have a notion, that when people are met together, a\nshort silence does much improve conversation: this I found to be true;\nfor during those little intermissions of talk, new ideas would arise in\ntheir minds, which very much enlivened the discourse. Their subjects\nare, generally on friendship and benevolence, on order and economy;\nsometimes upon the visible operations of nature, or ancient traditions;\nupon the bounds and limits of virtue; upon the unerring rules of\nreason, or upon some determinations to be taken at the next great\nassembly: and often upon the various excellences of poetry. I may add,\nwithout vanity, that my presence often gave them sufficient matter for\ndiscourse, because it afforded my master an occasion of letting his\nfriends into the history of me and my country, upon which they were all\npleased to descant, in a manner not very advantageous to humankind: and\nfor that reason I shall not repeat what they said; only I may be\nallowed to observe, that his honour, to my great admiration, appeared\nto understand the nature of _Yahoos_ much better than myself. He went\nthrough all our vices and follies, and discovered many, which I had\nnever mentioned to him, by only supposing what qualities a _Yahoo_ of\ntheir country, with a small proportion of reason, might be capable of\nexerting; and concluded, with too much probability, “how vile, as well\nas miserable, such a creature must be.”\n\nI freely confess, that all the little knowledge I have of any value,\nwas acquired by the lectures I received from my master, and from\nhearing the discourses of him and his friends; to which I should be\nprouder to listen, than to dictate to the greatest and wisest assembly\nin Europe. I admired the strength, comeliness, and speed of the\ninhabitants; and such a constellation of virtues, in such amiable\npersons, produced in me the highest veneration. At first, indeed, I did\nnot feel that natural awe, which the _Yahoos_ and all other animals\nbear toward them; but it grew upon me by degrees, much sooner than I\nimagined, and was mingled with a respectful love and gratitude, that\nthey would condescend to distinguish me from the rest of my species.\n\nWhen I thought of my family, my friends, my countrymen, or the human\nrace in general, I considered them, as they really were, _Yahoos_ in\nshape and disposition, perhaps a little more civilized, and qualified\nwith the gift of speech; but making no other use of reason, than to\nimprove and multiply those vices whereof their brethren in this country\nhad only the share that nature allotted them. When I happened to behold\nthe reflection of my own form in a lake or fountain, I turned away my\nface in horror and detestation of myself, and could better endure the\nsight of a common _Yahoo_ than of my own person. By conversing with the\n_Houyhnhnms_, and looking upon them with delight, I fell to imitate\ntheir gait and gesture, which is now grown into a habit; and my friends\noften tell me, in a blunt way, “that I trot like a horse;” which,\nhowever, I take for a great compliment. Neither shall I disown, that in\nspeaking I am apt to fall into the voice and manner of the\n_Houyhnhnms_, and hear myself ridiculed on that account, without the\nleast mortification.\n\nIn the midst of all this happiness, and when I looked upon myself to be\nfully settled for life, my master sent for me one morning a little\nearlier than his usual hour. I observed by his countenance that he was\nin some perplexity, and at a loss how to begin what he had to speak.\nAfter a short silence, he told me, “he did not know how I would take\nwhat he was going to say: that in the last general assembly, when the\naffair of the _Yahoos_ was entered upon, the representatives had taken\noffence at his keeping a _Yahoo_ (meaning myself) in his family, more\nlike a _Houyhnhnm_ than a brute animal; that he was known frequently to\nconverse with me, as if he could receive some advantage or pleasure in\nmy company; that such a practice was not agreeable to reason or nature,\nor a thing ever heard of before among them; the assembly did therefore\nexhort him either to employ me like the rest of my species, or command\nme to swim back to the place whence I came: that the first of these\nexpedients was utterly rejected by all the _Houyhnhnms_ who had ever\nseen me at his house or their own; for they alleged, that because I had\nsome rudiments of reason, added to the natural pravity of those\nanimals, it was to be feared I might be able to seduce them into the\nwoody and mountainous parts of the country, and bring them in troops by\nnight to destroy the _Houyhnhnms’_ cattle, as being naturally of the\nravenous kind, and averse from labour.”\n\nMy master added, “that he was daily pressed by the _Houyhnhnms_ of the\nneighbourhood to have the assembly’s exhortation executed, which he\ncould not put off much longer. He doubted it would be impossible for me\nto swim to another country; and therefore wished I would contrive some\nsort of vehicle, resembling those I had described to him, that might\ncarry me on the sea; in which work I should have the assistance of his\nown servants, as well as those of his neighbours.” He concluded, “that\nfor his own part, he could have been content to keep me in his service\nas long as I lived; because he found I had cured myself of some bad\nhabits and dispositions, by endeavouring, as far as my inferior nature\nwas capable, to imitate the _Houyhnhnms_.”\n\nI should here observe to the reader, that a decree of the general\nassembly in this country is expressed by the word _hnhloayn_, which\nsignifies an exhortation, as near as I can render it; for they have no\nconception how a rational creature can be compelled, but only advised,\nor exhorted; because no person can disobey reason, without giving up\nhis claim to be a rational creature.\n\nI was struck with the utmost grief and despair at my master’s\ndiscourse; and being unable to support the agonies I was under, I fell\ninto a swoon at his feet. When I came to myself, he told me “that he\nconcluded I had been dead;” for these people are subject to no such\nimbecilities of nature. I answered in a faint voice, “that death would\nhave been too great a happiness; that although I could not blame the\nassembly’s exhortation, or the urgency of his friends; yet, in my weak\nand corrupt judgment, I thought it might consist with reason to have\nbeen less rigorous; that I could not swim a league, and probably the\nnearest land to theirs might be distant above a hundred: that many\nmaterials, necessary for making a small vessel to carry me off, were\nwholly wanting in this country; which, however, I would attempt, in\nobedience and gratitude to his honour, although I concluded the thing\nto be impossible, and therefore looked on myself as already devoted to\ndestruction; that the certain prospect of an unnatural death was the\nleast of my evils; for, supposing I should escape with life by some\nstrange adventure, how could I think with temper of passing my days\namong _Yahoos_, and relapsing into my old corruptions, for want of\nexamples to lead and keep me within the paths of virtue? That I knew\ntoo well upon what solid reasons all the determinations of the wise\n_Houyhnhnms_ were founded, not to be shaken by arguments of mine, a\nmiserable _Yahoo_; and therefore, after presenting him with my humble\nthanks for the offer of his servants’ assistance in making a vessel,\nand desiring a reasonable time for so difficult a work, I told him I\nwould endeavour to preserve a wretched being; and if ever I returned to\nEngland, was not without hopes of being useful to my own species, by\ncelebrating the praises of the renowned _Houyhnhnms_, and proposing\ntheir virtues to the imitation of mankind.”\n\nMy master, in a few words, made me a very gracious reply; allowed me\nthe space of two months to finish my boat; and ordered the sorrel nag,\nmy fellow-servant (for so, at this distance, I may presume to call\nhim), to follow my instruction; because I told my master, “that his\nhelp would be sufficient, and I knew he had a tenderness for me.”\n\nIn his company, my first business was to go to that part of the coast\nwhere my rebellious crew had ordered me to be set on shore. I got upon\na height, and looking on every side into the sea; fancied I saw a small\nisland toward the north-east. I took out my pocket glass, and could\nthen clearly distinguish it above five leagues off, as I computed; but\nit appeared to the sorrel nag to be only a blue cloud: for as he had no\nconception of any country beside his own, so he could not be as expert\nin distinguishing remote objects at sea, as we who so much converse in\nthat element.\n\nAfter I had discovered this island, I considered no further; but\nresolved it should, if possible, be the first place of my banishment,\nleaving the consequence to fortune.\n\nI returned home, and consulting with the sorrel nag, we went into a\ncopse at some distance, where I with my knife, and he with a sharp\nflint, fastened very artificially after their manner, to a wooden\nhandle, cut down several oak wattles, about the thickness of a\nwalking-staff, and some larger pieces. But I shall not trouble the\nreader with a particular description of my own mechanics; let it\nsuffice to say, that in six weeks time with the help of the sorrel nag,\nwho performed the parts that required most labour, I finished a sort of\nIndian canoe, but much larger, covering it with the skins of _Yahoos_,\nwell stitched together with hempen threads of my own making. My sail\nwas likewise composed of the skins of the same animal; but I made use\nof the youngest I could get, the older being too tough and thick; and I\nlikewise provided myself with four paddles. I laid in a stock of boiled\nflesh, of rabbits and fowls, and took with me two vessels, one filled\nwith milk and the other with water.\n\nI tried my canoe in a large pond, near my master’s house, and then\ncorrected in it what was amiss; stopping all the chinks with _Yahoos’_\ntallow, till I found it staunch, and able to bear me and my freight;\nand, when it was as complete as I could possibly make it, I had it\ndrawn on a carriage very gently by _Yahoos_ to the sea-side, under the\nconduct of the sorrel nag and another servant.\n\nWhen all was ready, and the day came for my departure, I took leave of\nmy master and lady and the whole family, my eyes flowing with tears,\nand my heart quite sunk with grief. But his honour, out of curiosity,\nand, perhaps, (if I may speak without vanity,) partly out of kindness,\nwas determined to see me in my canoe, and got several of his\nneighbouring friends to accompany him. I was forced to wait above an\nhour for the tide; and then observing the wind very fortunately bearing\ntoward the island to which I intended to steer my course, I took a\nsecond leave of my master; but as I was going to prostrate myself to\nkiss his hoof, he did me the honour to raise it gently to my mouth. I\nam not ignorant how much I have been censured for mentioning this last\nparticular. Detractors are pleased to think it improbable, that so\nillustrious a person should descend to give so great a mark of\ndistinction to a creature so inferior as I. Neither have I forgotten\nhow apt some travellers are to boast of extraordinary favours they have\nreceived. But, if these censurers were better acquainted with the noble\nand courteous disposition of the _Houyhnhnms_, they would soon change\ntheir opinion.\n\nI paid my respects to the rest of the _Houyhnhnms_ in his honour’s\ncompany; then getting into my canoe, I pushed off from shore.\n\n\nCHAPTER XI.\n\nThe author’s dangerous voyage. He arrives at New Holland, hoping to\nsettle there. Is wounded with an arrow by one of the natives. Is seized\nand carried by force into a Portuguese ship. The great civilities of\nthe captain. The author arrives at England.\n\n\nI began this desperate voyage on February 15, 1714–15, at nine o’clock\nin the morning. The wind was very favourable; however, I made use at\nfirst only of my paddles; but considering I should soon be weary, and\nthat the wind might chop about, I ventured to set up my little sail;\nand thus, with the help of the tide, I went at the rate of a league and\na half an hour, as near as I could guess. My master and his friends\ncontinued on the shore till I was almost out of sight; and I often\nheard the sorrel nag (who always loved me) crying out, “_Hnuy illa\nnyha_, _majah Yahoo_;” “Take care of thyself, gentle _Yahoo_.”\n\nMy design was, if possible, to discover some small island uninhabited,\nyet sufficient, by my labour, to furnish me with the necessaries of\nlife, which I would have thought a greater happiness, than to be first\nminister in the politest court of Europe; so horrible was the idea I\nconceived of returning to live in the society, and under the government\nof _Yahoos_. For in such a solitude as I desired, I could at least\nenjoy my own thoughts, and reflect with delight on the virtues of those\ninimitable _Houyhnhnms_, without an opportunity of degenerating into\nthe vices and corruptions of my own species.\n\nThe reader may remember what I related, when my crew conspired against\nme, and confined me to my cabin; how I continued there several weeks\nwithout knowing what course we took; and when I was put ashore in the\nlong-boat, how the sailors told me, with oaths, whether true or false,\n“that they knew not in what part of the world we were.” However, I did\nthen believe us to be about 10 degrees southward of the Cape of Good\nHope, or about 45 degrees southern latitude, as I gathered from some\ngeneral words I overheard among them, being I supposed to the\nsouth-east in their intended voyage to Madagascar. And although this\nwere little better than conjecture, yet I resolved to steer my course\neastward, hoping to reach the south-west coast of New Holland, and\nperhaps some such island as I desired lying westward of it. The wind\nwas full west, and by six in the evening I computed I had gone eastward\nat least eighteen leagues; when I spied a very small island about half\na league off, which I soon reached. It was nothing but a rock, with one\ncreek naturally arched by the force of tempests. Here I put in my\ncanoe, and climbing a part of the rock, I could plainly discover land\nto the east, extending from south to north. I lay all night in my\ncanoe; and repeating my voyage early in the morning, I arrived in seven\nhours to the south-east point of New Holland. This confirmed me in the\nopinion I have long entertained, that the maps and charts place this\ncountry at least three degrees more to the east than it really is;\nwhich thought I communicated many years ago to my worthy friend, Mr.\nHerman Moll, and gave him my reasons for it, although he has rather\nchosen to follow other authors.\n\nI saw no inhabitants in the place where I landed, and being unarmed, I\nwas afraid of venturing far into the country. I found some shellfish on\nthe shore, and ate them raw, not daring to kindle a fire, for fear of\nbeing discovered by the natives. I continued three days feeding on\noysters and limpets, to save my own provisions; and I fortunately found\na brook of excellent water, which gave me great relief.\n\nOn the fourth day, venturing out early a little too far, I saw twenty\nor thirty natives upon a height not above five hundred yards from me.\nThey were stark naked, men, women, and children, round a fire, as I\ncould discover by the smoke. One of them spied me, and gave notice to\nthe rest; five of them advanced toward me, leaving the women and\nchildren at the fire. I made what haste I could to the shore, and,\ngetting into my canoe, shoved off: the savages, observing me retreat,\nran after me; and before I could get far enough into the sea,\ndischarged an arrow which wounded me deeply on the inside of my left\nknee: I shall carry the mark to my grave. I apprehended the arrow might\nbe poisoned, and paddling out of the reach of their darts (being a calm\nday), I made a shift to suck the wound, and dress it as well as I\ncould.\n\nI was at a loss what to do, for I durst not return to the same\nlanding-place, but stood to the north, and was forced to paddle, for\nthe wind, though very gentle, was against me, blowing north-west. As I\nwas looking about for a secure landing-place, I saw a sail to the\nnorth-north-east, which appearing every minute more visible, I was in\nsome doubt whether I should wait for them or not; but at last my\ndetestation of the _Yahoo_ race prevailed: and turning my canoe, I\nsailed and paddled together to the south, and got into the same creek\nwhence I set out in the morning, choosing rather to trust myself among\nthese barbarians, than live with European _Yahoos_. I drew up my canoe\nas close as I could to the shore, and hid myself behind a stone by the\nlittle brook, which, as I have already said, was excellent water.\n\nThe ship came within half a league of this creek, and sent her\nlong-boat with vessels to take in fresh water (for the place, it seems,\nwas very well known); but I did not observe it, till the boat was\nalmost on shore; and it was too late to seek another hiding-place. The\nseamen at their landing observed my canoe, and rummaging it all over,\neasily conjectured that the owner could not be far off. Four of them,\nwell armed, searched every cranny and lurking-hole, till at last they\nfound me flat on my face behind the stone. They gazed awhile in\nadmiration at my strange uncouth dress; my coat made of skins, my\nwooden-soled shoes, and my furred stockings; whence, however, they\nconcluded, I was not a native of the place, who all go naked. One of\nthe seamen, in Portuguese, bid me rise, and asked who I was. I\nunderstood that language very well, and getting upon my feet, said, “I\nwas a poor _Yahoo_ banished from the _Houyhnhnms_, and desired they\nwould please to let me depart.” They admired to hear me answer them in\ntheir own tongue, and saw by my complexion I must be a European; but\nwere at a loss to know what I meant by _Yahoos_ and _Houyhnhnms_; and\nat the same time fell a-laughing at my strange tone in speaking, which\nresembled the neighing of a horse. I trembled all the while betwixt\nfear and hatred. I again desired leave to depart, and was gently moving\nto my canoe; but they laid hold of me, desiring to know, “what country\nI was of? whence I came?” with many other questions. I told them “I was\nborn in England, whence I came about five years ago, and then their\ncountry and ours were at peace. I therefore hoped they would not treat\nme as an enemy, since I meant them no harm, but was a poor _Yahoo_\nseeking some desolate place where to pass the remainder of his\nunfortunate life.”\n\nWhen they began to talk, I thought I never heard or saw any thing more\nunnatural; for it appeared to me as monstrous as if a dog or a cow\nshould speak in England, or a _Yahoo_ in _Houyhnhnmland_. The honest\nPortuguese were equally amazed at my strange dress, and the odd manner\nof delivering my words, which, however, they understood very well. They\nspoke to me with great humanity, and said, “they were sure the captain\nwould carry me _gratis_ to Lisbon, whence I might return to my own\ncountry; that two of the seamen would go back to the ship, inform the\ncaptain of what they had seen, and receive his orders; in the mean\ntime, unless I would give my solemn oath not to fly, they would secure\nme by force. I thought it best to comply with their proposal. They were\nvery curious to know my story, but I gave them very little\nsatisfaction, and they all conjectured that my misfortunes had impaired\nmy reason. In two hours the boat, which went laden with vessels of\nwater, returned, with the captain’s command to fetch me on board. I\nfell on my knees to preserve my liberty; but all was in vain; and the\nmen, having tied me with cords, heaved me into the boat, whence I was\ntaken into the ship, and thence into the captain’s cabin.\n\nHis name was Pedro de Mendez; he was a very courteous and generous\nperson. He entreated me to give some account of myself, and desired to\nknow what I would eat or drink; said, “I should be used as well as\nhimself;” and spoke so many obliging things, that I wondered to find\nsuch civilities from a _Yahoo_. However, I remained silent and sullen;\nI was ready to faint at the very smell of him and his men. At last I\ndesired something to eat out of my own canoe; but he ordered me a\nchicken, and some excellent wine, and then directed that I should be\nput to bed in a very clean cabin. I would not undress myself, but lay\non the bed-clothes, and in half an hour stole out, when I thought the\ncrew was at dinner, and getting to the side of the ship, was going to\nleap into the sea, and swim for my life, rather than continue among\n_Yahoos_. But one of the seamen prevented me, and having informed the\ncaptain, I was chained to my cabin.\n\nAfter dinner, Don Pedro came to me, and desired to know my reason for\nso desperate an attempt; assured me, “he only meant to do me all the\nservice he was able;” and spoke so very movingly, that at last I\ndescended to treat him like an animal which had some little portion of\nreason. I gave him a very short relation of my voyage; of the\nconspiracy against me by my own men; of the country where they set me\non shore, and of my five years residence there. All which he looked\nupon as if it were a dream or a vision; whereat I took great offence;\nfor I had quite forgot the faculty of lying, so peculiar to _Yahoos_,\nin all countries where they preside, and, consequently, their\ndisposition of suspecting truth in others of their own species. I asked\nhim, “whether it were the custom in his country to say the thing which\nwas not?” I assured him, “I had almost forgot what he meant by\nfalsehood, and if I had lived a thousand years in _Houyhnhnmland_, I\nshould never have heard a lie from the meanest servant; that I was\naltogether indifferent whether he believed me or not; but, however, in\nreturn for his favours, I would give so much allowance to the\ncorruption of his nature, as to answer any objection he would please to\nmake, and then he might easily discover the truth.”\n\nThe captain, a wise man, after many endeavours to catch me tripping in\nsome part of my story, at last began to have a better opinion of my\nveracity. But he added, “that since I professed so inviolable an\nattachment to truth, I must give him my word and honour to bear him\ncompany in this voyage, without attempting any thing against my life;\nor else he would continue me a prisoner till we arrived at Lisbon.” I\ngave him the promise he required; but at the same time protested, “that\nI would suffer the greatest hardships, rather than return to live among\n_Yahoos_.”\n\nOur voyage passed without any considerable accident. In gratitude to\nthe captain, I sometimes sat with him, at his earnest request, and\nstrove to conceal my antipathy against humankind, although it often\nbroke out; which he suffered to pass without observation. But the\ngreatest part of the day I confined myself to my cabin, to avoid seeing\nany of the crew. The captain had often entreated me to strip myself of\nmy savage dress, and offered to lend me the best suit of clothes he\nhad. This I would not be prevailed on to accept, abhorring to cover\nmyself with any thing that had been on the back of a _Yahoo_. I only\ndesired he would lend me two clean shirts, which, having been washed\nsince he wore them, I believed would not so much defile me. These I\nchanged every second day, and washed them myself.\n\nWe arrived at Lisbon, Nov. 5, 1715. At our landing, the captain forced\nme to cover myself with his cloak, to prevent the rabble from crowding\nabout me. I was conveyed to his own house; and at my earnest request he\nled me up to the highest room backwards. I conjured him “to conceal\nfrom all persons what I had told him of the _Houyhnhnms_; because the\nleast hint of such a story would not only draw numbers of people to see\nme, but probably put me in danger of being imprisoned, or burnt by the\nInquisition.” The captain persuaded me to accept a suit of clothes\nnewly made; but I would not suffer the tailor to take my measure;\nhowever, Don Pedro being almost of my size, they fitted me well enough.\nHe accoutred me with other necessaries, all new, which I aired for\ntwenty-four hours before I would use them.\n\nThe captain had no wife, nor above three servants, none of which were\nsuffered to attend at meals; and his whole deportment was so obliging,\nadded to very good human understanding, that I really began to tolerate\nhis company. He gained so far upon me, that I ventured to look out of\nthe back window. By degrees I was brought into another room, whence I\npeeped into the street, but drew my head back in a fright. In a week’s\ntime he seduced me down to the door. I found my terror gradually\nlessened, but my hatred and contempt seemed to increase. I was at last\nbold enough to walk the street in his company, but kept my nose well\nstopped with rue, or sometimes with tobacco.\n\nIn ten days, Don Pedro, to whom I had given some account of my domestic\naffairs, put it upon me, as a matter of honour and conscience, “that I\nought to return to my native country, and live at home with my wife and\nchildren.” He told me, “there was an English ship in the port just\nready to sail, and he would furnish me with all things necessary.” It\nwould be tedious to repeat his arguments, and my contradictions. He\nsaid, “it was altogether impossible to find such a solitary island as I\ndesired to live in; but I might command in my own house, and pass my\ntime in a manner as recluse as I pleased.”\n\nI complied at last, finding I could not do better. I left Lisbon the\n24th day of November, in an English merchantman, but who was the master\nI never inquired. Don Pedro accompanied me to the ship, and lent me\ntwenty pounds. He took kind leave of me, and embraced me at parting,\nwhich I bore as well as I could. During this last voyage I had no\ncommerce with the master or any of his men; but, pretending I was sick,\nkept close in my cabin. On the fifth of December, 1715, we cast anchor\nin the Downs, about nine in the morning, and at three in the afternoon\nI got safe to my house at Rotherhith. [546]\n\nMy wife and family received me with great surprise and joy, because\nthey concluded me certainly dead; but I must freely confess the sight\nof them filled me only with hatred, disgust, and contempt; and the\nmore, by reflecting on the near alliance I had to them. For although,\nsince my unfortunate exile from the _Houyhnhnm_ country, I had\ncompelled myself to tolerate the sight of _Yahoos_, and to converse\nwith Don Pedro de Mendez, yet my memory and imagination were\nperpetually filled with the virtues and ideas of those exalted\n_Houyhnhnms_. And when I began to consider that, by copulating with one\nof the _Yahoo_ species I had become a parent of more, it struck me with\nthe utmost shame, confusion, and horror.\n\nAs soon as I entered the house, my wife took me in her arms, and kissed\nme; at which, having not been used to the touch of that odious animal\nfor so many years, I fell into a swoon for almost an hour. At the time\nI am writing, it is five years since my last return to England. During\nthe first year, I could not endure my wife or children in my presence;\nthe very smell of them was intolerable; much less could I suffer them\nto eat in the same room. To this hour they dare not presume to touch my\nbread, or drink out of the same cup, neither was I ever able to let one\nof them take me by the hand. The first money I laid out was to buy two\nyoung stone-horses, which I keep in a good stable; and next to them,\nthe groom is my greatest favourite, for I feel my spirits revived by\nthe smell he contracts in the stable. My horses understand me tolerably\nwell; I converse with them at least four hours every day. They are\nstrangers to bridle or saddle; they live in great amity with me and\nfriendship to each other.\n\n\nCHAPTER XII.\n\nThe author’s veracity. His design in publishing this work. His censure\nof those travellers who swerve from the truth. The author clears\nhimself from any sinister ends in writing. An objection answered. The\nmethod of planting colonies. His native country commended. The right of\nthe crown to those countries described by the author is justified. The\ndifficulty of conquering them. The author takes his last leave of the\nreader; proposes his manner of living for the future; gives good\nadvice, and concludes.\n\n\nThus, gentle reader, I have given thee a faithful history of my travels\nfor sixteen years and above seven months: wherein I have not been so\nstudious of ornament as of truth. I could, perhaps, like others, have\nastonished thee with strange improbable tales; but I rather chose to\nrelate plain matter of fact, in the simplest manner and style; because\nmy principal design was to inform, and not to amuse thee.\n\nIt is easy for us who travel into remote countries, which are seldom\nvisited by Englishmen or other Europeans, to form descriptions of\nwonderful animals both at sea and land. Whereas a traveller’s chief aim\nshould be to make men wiser and better, and to improve their minds by\nthe bad, as well as good, example of what they deliver concerning\nforeign places.\n\nI could heartily wish a law was enacted, that every traveller, before\nhe were permitted to publish his voyages, should be obliged to make\noath before the Lord High Chancellor, that all he intended to print was\nabsolutely true to the best of his knowledge; for then the world would\nno longer be deceived, as it usually is, while some writers, to make\ntheir works pass the better upon the public, impose the grossest\nfalsities on the unwary reader. I have perused several books of travels\nwith great delight in my younger days; but having since gone over most\nparts of the globe, and been able to contradict many fabulous accounts\nfrom my own observation, it has given me a great disgust against this\npart of reading, and some indignation to see the credulity of mankind\nso impudently abused. Therefore, since my acquaintance were pleased to\nthink my poor endeavours might not be unacceptable to my country, I\nimposed on myself, as a maxim never to be swerved from, that I would\nstrictly adhere to truth; neither indeed can I be ever under the least\ntemptation to vary from it, while I retain in my mind the lectures and\nexample of my noble master and the other illustrious _Houyhnhnms_ of\nwhom I had so long the honour to be an humble hearer.\n\n\n_—Nec si miserum Fortuna Sinonem_\n\n_Finxit_, _vanum etiam_, _mendacemque improba finget_.\n\nI know very well, how little reputation is to be got by writings which\nrequire neither genius nor learning, nor indeed any other talent,\nexcept a good memory, or an exact journal. I know likewise, that\nwriters of travels, like dictionary-makers, are sunk into oblivion by\nthe weight and bulk of those who come last, and therefore lie\nuppermost. And it is highly probable, that such travellers, who shall\nhereafter visit the countries described in this work of mine, may, by\ndetecting my errors (if there be any), and adding many new discoveries\nof their own, justle me out of vogue, and stand in my place, making the\nworld forget that ever I was an author. This indeed would be too great\na mortification, if I wrote for fame: but as my sole intention was the\npublic good, I cannot be altogether disappointed. For who can read of\nthe virtues I have mentioned in the glorious _Houyhnhnms_, without\nbeing ashamed of his own vices, when he considers himself as the\nreasoning, governing animal of his country? I shall say nothing of\nthose remote nations where _Yahoos_ preside; among which the least\ncorrupted are the _Brobdingnagians_; whose wise maxims in morality and\ngovernment it would be our happiness to observe. But I forbear\ndescanting further, and rather leave the judicious reader to his own\nremarks and application.\n\nI am not a little pleased that this work of mine can possibly meet with\nno censurers: for what objections can be made against a writer, who\nrelates only plain facts, that happened in such distant countries,\nwhere we have not the least interest, with respect either to trade or\nnegotiations? I have carefully avoided every fault with which common\nwriters of travels are often too justly charged. Besides, I meddle not\nthe least with any party, but write without passion, prejudice, or\nill-will against any man, or number of men, whatsoever. I write for the\nnoblest end, to inform and instruct mankind; over whom I may, without\nbreach of modesty, pretend to some superiority, from the advantages I\nreceived by conversing so long among the most accomplished\n_Houyhnhnms_. I write without any view to profit or praise. I never\nsuffer a word to pass that may look like reflection, or possibly give\nthe least offence, even to those who are most ready to take it. So that\nI hope I may with justice pronounce myself an author perfectly\nblameless; against whom the tribes of Answerers, Considerers,\nObservers, Reflectors, Detectors, Remarkers, will never be able to find\nmatter for exercising their talents.\n\nI confess, it was whispered to me, “that I was bound in duty, as a\nsubject of England, to have given in a memorial to a secretary of state\nat my first coming over; because, whatever lands are discovered by a\nsubject belong to the crown.” But I doubt whether our conquests in the\ncountries I treat of would be as easy as those of Ferdinando Cortez\nover the naked Americans. The _Lilliputians_, I think, are hardly worth\nthe charge of a fleet and army to reduce them; and I question whether\nit might be prudent or safe to attempt the _Brobdingnagians_; or\nwhether an English army would be much at their ease with the Flying\nIsland over their heads. The _Houyhnhnms_ indeed appear not to be so\nwell prepared for war, a science to which they are perfect strangers,\nand especially against missive weapons. However, supposing myself to be\na minister of state, I could never give my advice for invading them.\nTheir prudence, unanimity, unacquaintedness with fear, and their love\nof their country, would amply supply all defects in the military art.\nImagine twenty thousand of them breaking into the midst of an European\narmy, confounding the ranks, overturning the carriages, battering the\nwarriors’ faces into mummy by terrible yerks from their hinder hoofs.\nFor they would well deserve the character given to Augustus,\n_Recalcitrat undique tutus_. But, instead of proposals for conquering\nthat magnanimous nation, I rather wish they were in a capacity, or\ndisposition, to send a sufficient number of their inhabitants for\ncivilizing Europe, by teaching us the first principles of honour,\njustice, truth, temperance, public spirit, fortitude, chastity,\nfriendship, benevolence, and fidelity. The names of all which virtues\nare still retained among us in most languages, and are to be met with\nin modern, as well as ancient authors; which I am able to assert from\nmy own small reading.\n\nBut I had another reason, which made me less forward to enlarge his\nmajesty’s dominions by my discoveries. To say the truth, I had\nconceived a few scruples with relation to the distributive justice of\nprinces upon those occasions. For instance, a crew of pirates are\ndriven by a storm they know not whither; at length a boy discovers land\nfrom the topmast; they go on shore to rob and plunder, they see a\nharmless people, are entertained with kindness; they give the country a\nnew name; they take formal possession of it for their king; they set up\na rotten plank, or a stone, for a memorial; they murder two or three\ndozen of the natives, bring away a couple more, by force, for a sample;\nreturn home, and get their pardon. Here commences a new dominion\nacquired with a title by divine right. Ships are sent with the first\nopportunity; the natives driven out or destroyed; their princes\ntortured to discover their gold; a free license given to all acts of\ninhumanity and lust, the earth reeking with the blood of its\ninhabitants: and this execrable crew of butchers, employed in so pious\nan expedition, is a modern colony, sent to convert and civilize an\nidolatrous and barbarous people!\n\nBut this description, I confess, does by no means affect the British\nnation, who may be an example to the whole world for their wisdom,\ncare, and justice in planting colonies; their liberal endowments for\nthe advancement of religion and learning; their choice of devout and\nable pastors to propagate Christianity; their caution in stocking their\nprovinces with people of sober lives and conversations from this the\nmother kingdom; their strict regard to the distribution of justice, in\nsupplying the civil administration through all their colonies with\nofficers of the greatest abilities, utter strangers to corruption; and,\nto crown all, by sending the most vigilant and virtuous governors, who\nhave no other views than the happiness of the people over whom they\npreside, and the honour of the king their master.\n\nBut as those countries which I have described do not appear to have any\ndesire of being conquered and enslaved, murdered or driven out by\ncolonies, nor abound either in gold, silver, sugar, or tobacco, I did\nhumbly conceive, they were by no means proper objects of our zeal, our\nvalour, or our interest. However, if those whom it more concerns think\nfit to be of another opinion, I am ready to depose, when I shall be\nlawfully called, that no European did ever visit those countries before\nme. I mean, if the inhabitants ought to be believed, unless a dispute\nmay arise concerning the two _Yahoos_, said to have been seen many\nyears ago upon a mountain in _Houyhnhnmland_, from whence the opinion\nis, that the race of those brutes hath descended; and these, for\nanything I know, may have been English, which indeed I was apt to\nsuspect from the lineaments of their posterity’s countenances, although\nvery much defaced. But, how far that will go to make out a title, I\nleave to the learned in colony-law.\n\nBut, as to the formality of taking possession in my sovereign’s name,\nit never came once into my thoughts; and if it had, yet, as my affairs\nthen stood, I should perhaps, in point of prudence and\nself-preservation, have put it off to a better opportunity.\n\nHaving thus answered the only objection that can ever be raised against\nme as a traveller, I here take a final leave of all my courteous\nreaders, and return to enjoy my own speculations in my little garden at\nRedriff; to apply those excellent lessons of virtue which I learned\namong the _Houyhnhnms_; to instruct the _Yahoos_ of my own family, as\nfar as I shall find them docible animals; to behold my figure often in\na glass, and thus, if possible, habituate myself by time to tolerate\nthe sight of a human creature; to lament the brutality to _Houyhnhnms_\nin my own country, but always treat their persons with respect, for the\nsake of my noble master, his family, his friends, and the whole\n_Houyhnhnm_ race, whom these of ours have the honour to resemble in all\ntheir lineaments, however their intellectuals came to degenerate.\n\nI began last week to permit my wife to sit at dinner with me, at the\nfarthest end of a long table; and to answer (but with the utmost\nbrevity) the few questions I asked her. Yet, the smell of a _Yahoo_\ncontinuing very offensive, I always keep my nose well stopped with rue,\nlavender, or tobacco leaves. And, although it be hard for a man late in\nlife to remove old habits, I am not altogether out of hopes, in some\ntime, to suffer a neighbour _Yahoo_ in my company, without the\napprehensions I am yet under of his teeth or his claws.\n\nMy reconcilement to the _Yahoo_-kind in general might not be so\ndifficult, if they would be content with those vices and follies only\nwhich nature has entitled them to. I am not in the least provoked at\nthe sight of a lawyer, a pickpocket, a colonel, a fool, a lord, a\ngamester, a politician, a whoremonger, a physician, an evidence, a\nsuborner, an attorney, a traitor, or the like; this is all according to\nthe due course of things: but when I behold a lump of deformity and\ndiseases, both in body and mind, smitten with pride, it immediately\nbreaks all the measures of my patience; neither shall I be ever able to\ncomprehend how such an animal, and such a vice, could tally together.\nThe wise and virtuous _Houyhnhnms_, who abound in all excellences that\ncan adorn a rational creature, have no name for this vice in their\nlanguage, which has no terms to express any thing that is evil, except\nthose whereby they describe the detestable qualities of their _Yahoos_,\namong which they were not able to distinguish this of pride, for want\nof thoroughly understanding human nature, as it shows itself in other\ncountries where that animal presides. But I, who had more experience,\ncould plainly observe some rudiments of it among the wild _Yahoos_.\n\n\nBut the _Houyhnhnms_, who live under the government of reason, are no\nmore proud of the good qualities they possess, than I should be for not\nwanting a leg or an arm; which no man in his wits would boast of,\nalthough he must be miserable without them. I dwell the longer upon\nthis subject from the desire I have to make the society of an English\n_Yahoo_ by any means not insupportable; and therefore I here entreat\nthose who have any tincture of this absurd vice, that they will not\npresume to come in my sight.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[301] A stang is a pole or perch; sixteen feet and a half.\n\n[330] An act of parliament has been since passed by which some breaches\nof trust have been made capital.\n\n[454a] Britannia.—_Sir W. Scott_.\n\n[454b] London.—_Sir W. Scott_.\n\n[455] This is the revised text adopted by Dr. Hawksworth (1766). The\nabove paragraph in the original editions (1726) takes another form,\ncommencing:—“I told him that should I happen to live in a kingdom where\nlots were in vogue,” &c. The names Tribnia and Langden are not\nmentioned, and the “close stool” and its signification do not occur.\n\n[514] This paragraph is not in the original editions.\n\n[546] The original editions and Hawksworth’s have Rotherhith here,\nthough earlier in the work, Redriff is said to have been Gulliver’s\nhome in England.\n\n\n\n\n*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GULLIVER’S TRAVELS ***\n\n***** This file should be named 829-0.txt or 829-0.zip *****\nThis and all associated files of various formats will be found in:\n https://www.gutenberg.org/8/2/829/\n\nUpdated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will\nbe renamed.\n\nCreating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright\nlaw means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,\nso the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the\nUnited States without permission and without paying copyright\nroyalties. 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},
{
"path": "benches/lines.ts",
"content": "import { readFileSync } from \"fs\";\nimport path from \"path\";\nimport { Bench } from \"tinybench\";\nimport { countLines } from \"../src\";\n// @ts-ignore\nimport markdownTable from \"markdown-table\";\n\nconst gulliverTravels = readFileSync(\n path.join(__dirname, \"data\", \"gulliver.txt\"),\n \"utf-8\"\n);\n\nasync function runBenchmark(name: string, text: string) {\n const REGEX = /\\n/g;\n\n const bench = new Bench({\n warmupIterations: 100,\n });\n\n bench\n .add(\"alfaaz\", () => {\n countLines(text);\n })\n .add(\"split\", () => {\n text.split(\"\\n\").length;\n })\n .add(\"regex\", () => {\n text.split(REGEX).length;\n });\n\n await bench.run();\n\n console.log(\n `**${name}:**\\n\\n`,\n \"Total lines:\",\n countLines(text),\n \" \\n\",\n \"File size (bytes):\",\n Buffer.from(text).length,\n \" \\n\",\n \"File length (chars):\",\n text.length,\n \" \"\n );\n\n const results = markdownTable([\n [\"Task name\", \"ops/s\", \"GB/s\"],\n ...bench.tasks.map(({ name, result }) =>\n result\n ? [\n name,\n result.hz.toString(),\n (\n (Buffer.from(text).length * Math.round(result.hz)) /\n 1024 /\n 1024 /\n 1024\n ).toString(),\n ]\n : []\n ),\n ]);\n console.log();\n console.log(results);\n console.log();\n}\n\nasync function main() {\n await runBenchmark(\"Count lines\", gulliverTravels);\n}\n\nmain();\n"
},
{
"path": "benches/words.ts",
"content": "import { readFileSync } from \"fs\";\nimport path from \"path\";\nimport { Bench } from \"tinybench\";\nimport { countWords } from \"../src\";\n// @ts-ignore\nimport markdownTable from \"markdown-table\";\n\nconst artOfWar = readFileSync(\n path.join(__dirname, \"data\", \"art-of-war.txt\"),\n \"utf-8\"\n);\nconst gulliverTravels = readFileSync(\n path.join(__dirname, \"data\", \"gulliver.txt\"),\n \"utf-8\"\n);\n\nasync function runBenchmark(name: string, text: string) {\n const REGEX =\n /\\s+|[\\p{Script=Han}\\p{Script=Katakana}\\p{Script=Hiragana}\\u3000-\\u303f]/u;\n\n const bench = new Bench({\n warmupIterations: 100,\n });\n\n bench\n .add(\"alfaaz\", () => {\n countWords(text);\n })\n .add(\"regex\", () => {\n text.split(REGEX).length;\n });\n\n await bench.run();\n\n console.log(\n `**${name}:**\\n\\n`,\n \"Total words:\",\n countWords(text),\n \" \\n\",\n \"File size (bytes):\",\n Buffer.from(text).length,\n \" \\n\",\n \"File length (chars):\",\n text.length,\n \" \"\n );\n\n const results = markdownTable([\n [\"Task name\", \"ops/s\", \"GB/s\", \"Words/s\"],\n ...bench.tasks.map(({ name, result }) =>\n result\n ? [\n name,\n result.hz.toString(),\n (\n (Buffer.from(text).length * Math.round(result.hz)) /\n 1024 /\n 1024 /\n 1024\n ).toString(),\n countWords(text) * Math.round(result.hz),\n ]\n : []\n ),\n ]);\n console.log();\n console.log(results);\n console.log();\n}\n\nasync function main() {\n await runBenchmark(\"Count words (no CJK, only English):\", gulliverTravels);\n await runBenchmark(\"Count words (CJK + English):\", artOfWar);\n}\n\nmain();\n"
},
{
"path": "package.json",
"content": "{\n \"name\": \"alfaaz\",\n \"version\": \"1.1.0\",\n \"description\": \"The fastest multilingual word counter that can count millions of words per second.\",\n \"main\": \"dist/index.js\",\n \"scripts\": {\n \"test\": \"vitest run tests/\",\n \"test:coverage\": \"vitest run tests/ --coverage\",\n \"bench\": \"ts-node benches/lines.ts && ts-node benches/words.ts\",\n \"build\": \"tsc\",\n \"start\": \"ts-node src/index.ts\",\n \"prepublishOnly\": \"npm run build\"\n },\n \"author\": \"Abdullah Atta \",\n \"repository\": {\n \"url\": \"https://github.com/thecodrr/alfaaz\",\n \"type\": \"git\"\n },\n \"license\": \"MIT\",\n \"devDependencies\": {\n \"@types/node\": \"^18.15.11\",\n \"@types/paralleljs\": \"^0.0.21\",\n \"@vitest/coverage-c8\": \"^0.30.1\",\n \"markdown-table\": \"^2.0.0\",\n \"tinybench\": \"^2.4.0\",\n \"ts-node\": \"^10.9.1\",\n \"typescript\": \"^5.0.4\",\n \"vitest\": \"^0.30.1\"\n }\n}\n"
},
{
"path": "src/index.ts",
"content": "import { UNICODE_RANGES } from \"./languages\";\n\nconst CHINESE_MAX_CODE_POINT = 205743;\nconst CHINESE_MIN_CODE_POINT = 11904;\nconst BYTE_SIZE = 8;\n\n// CHAR_MAP is used to determine whether a codepoint is a word boundary\n// or not. Instead of taking 1 byte per codepoint, we divide each byte\n// into 8 indices which reduces the memory footprint from 205.7 KB\n// to 25.7 KB.\n// The extra 1 byte at the end is required to insert the codepoint at the\n// last index.\nconst BITMAP = new Uint8Array(CHINESE_MAX_CODE_POINT / BYTE_SIZE + 1);\n\nfunction insertCharsIntoMap(...chars: string[]) {\n for (const char of chars) {\n const charCode = char.charCodeAt(0);\n const byteIndex = Math.floor(charCode / BYTE_SIZE);\n const bitIndex = charCode % BYTE_SIZE;\n BITMAP[byteIndex] = BITMAP[byteIndex] ^ (1 << bitIndex);\n }\n}\n\nfunction insertRangeIntoMap(from: number, to: number) {\n for (let i = from / BYTE_SIZE; i < Math.ceil(to / BYTE_SIZE); i++) {\n BITMAP[i] = 0b11111111;\n }\n}\n\nconst NEWLINE = \"\\n\";\ninsertCharsIntoMap(\n \" \",\n \"\\n\",\n \"\\t\",\n \"\\v\",\n \"*\",\n \"/\",\n \"&\",\n \":\",\n \";\",\n \".\",\n \",\",\n \"?\",\n \"=\",\n \"\\u0F0B\", // Tibetan uses [U+0F0B TIBETAN MARK INTERSYLLABIC TSHEG] (pronounced tsek) to signal the end of a syllable.\n \"\\u1361\", // Ethiopic text uses the traditional wordspace character [U+1361 ETHIOPIC WORDSPACE] to indicate word boundaries\n \"\\u200b\" // ZERO-WIDTH-SPACE can also be considered a word boundary\n);\n\nfor (const range of UNICODE_RANGES) {\n insertRangeIntoMap(range[0], range[1]);\n}\n\nexport function countWords(str: string) {\n let count = 0;\n let shouldCount = false;\n\n for (let i = 0; i < str.length; i++) {\n const charCode = str.charCodeAt(i);\n const byteIndex = (charCode / BYTE_SIZE) | 0;\n const bitIndex = charCode % BYTE_SIZE;\n const byteAtIndex = BITMAP[byteIndex];\n const isMatch = ((byteAtIndex >> bitIndex) & 1) === 1;\n\n // 255 means this is probably a Unicode range match in which case\n // we should ignore the value of shouldCount\n if (isMatch && (shouldCount || byteAtIndex === 255)) count++;\n shouldCount = !isMatch;\n }\n\n if (shouldCount) count++;\n\n return count;\n}\n\nexport function countLines(str: string) {\n let count = 0;\n for (\n let i = -1;\n (i = str.indexOf(NEWLINE, ++i)) !== -1 && i < str.length;\n count++\n );\n count++;\n return count;\n}\n"
},
{
"path": "src/languages/burmese.ts",
"content": "import { UnicodeRange } from \"../types\";\n\n// Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Myanmar_(Unicode_block)\n// Myanmar (Unicode block) 1000-109F\nexport const BURMESE_UNICODE_RANGE: UnicodeRange = [[4096, 4255]];\n"
},
{
"path": "src/languages/cjk.ts",
"content": "import { UnicodeRange } from \"../types\";\n\nexport const CJK_UNICODE_RANGES: UnicodeRange = [\n [19968, 40959], // CJK Unified Ideographs 4E00-9FFF Common\n [13312, 19903], // CJK Unified Ideographs Extension A 3400-4DBF Rare\n [131072, 173791], // CJK Unified Ideographs Extension B 20000-2A6DF Rare, historic\n [173824, 177983], // CJK Unified Ideographs Extension C 2A700–2B73F Rare, historic\n [177984, 178207], // CJK Unified Ideographs Extension D 2B740–2B81F Uncommon, some in current use\n [178208, 183983], // CJK Unified Ideographs Extension E 2B820–2CEAF Rare, historic\n [183984, 191471], // CJK Unified Ideographs Extension F 2CEB0–2EBEF Rare, historic\n [196608, 201551], // CJK Unified Ideographs Extension G 30000–3134F Rare, historic\n [201552, 205743], // CJK Unified Ideographs Extension H 31350–323AF Rare, historic\n [63744, 64255], // CJK Compatibility Ideographs F900-FAFF Duplicates, unifiable variants, corporate characters\n [194560, 195103], // CJK Compatibility Ideographs Supplement 2F800-2FA1F Unifiable variants\n [12032, 12255], // CJK Radicals / Kangxi Radicals 2F00–2FDF\n [11904, 12031], // CJK Radicals Supplement 2E80–2EFF\n [12288, 12351], // CJK Symbols and Punctuation 3000–303F\n [13056, 13311], // CJK Compatibility 3300-33FF\n [65072, 65103], // CJK Compatibility Forms FE30-FE4F\n];\n"
},
{
"path": "src/languages/index.ts",
"content": "import { UnicodeRange } from \"../types\";\nimport { BURMESE_UNICODE_RANGE } from \"./burmese\";\nimport { CJK_UNICODE_RANGES } from \"./cjk\";\nimport { JAVANESE_UNICODE_RANGE } from \"./javanese\";\nimport { KHMER_UNICODE_RANGE } from \"./khmer\";\nimport { LAO_UNICODE_RANGE } from \"./lao\";\nimport { THAI_UNICODE_RANGE } from \"./thai\";\nimport { VAI_UNICODE_RANGE } from \"./vai\";\n\nexport const UNICODE_RANGES: UnicodeRange = [\n ...THAI_UNICODE_RANGE,\n ...LAO_UNICODE_RANGE,\n ...BURMESE_UNICODE_RANGE,\n ...KHMER_UNICODE_RANGE,\n ...JAVANESE_UNICODE_RANGE,\n ...VAI_UNICODE_RANGE,\n ...CJK_UNICODE_RANGES,\n];\n"
},
{
"path": "src/languages/javanese.ts",
"content": "import { UnicodeRange } from \"../types\";\n\n// Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Javanese_(Unicode_block)\n// Javanese (Unicode block) A980-A9DF\nexport const JAVANESE_UNICODE_RANGE: UnicodeRange = [[43392, 43487]];\n"
},
{
"path": "src/languages/khmer.ts",
"content": "import { UnicodeRange } from \"../types\";\n\n// Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khmer_(Unicode_block)\n// Khmer (Unicode block) 1780-17FF\nexport const KHMER_UNICODE_RANGE: UnicodeRange = [[6016, 6143]];\n"
},
{
"path": "src/languages/lao.ts",
"content": "import { UnicodeRange } from \"../types\";\n\n// Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lao_(Unicode_block)\n// Lao (Unicode block) 0E80-0EFF\nexport const LAO_UNICODE_RANGE: UnicodeRange = [[3712, 3839]];\n"
},
{
"path": "src/languages/thai.ts",
"content": "import { UnicodeRange } from \"../types\";\n\n// Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thai_(Unicode_block)\n// Thai (Unicode block) 0E00-0E7F\nexport const THAI_UNICODE_RANGE: UnicodeRange = [[3584, 3711]];\n"
},
{
"path": "src/languages/vai.ts",
"content": "import { UnicodeRange } from \"../types\";\n\n// Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vai_(Unicode_block)\n// Vai (Unicode block) A500-A63F\nexport const VAI_UNICODE_RANGE: UnicodeRange = [[42240, 42559]];\n"
},
{
"path": "src/types.ts",
"content": "export type UnicodeRange = number[][];\n"
},
{
"path": "tests/lines.test.ts",
"content": "import { test, expect } from \"vitest\";\nimport { countLines } from \"../src\";\n\ntest(\"count lines separated by \\\\n\", () => {\n expect(countLines(\"hello world I am here\\nout there\")).toBe(2);\n});\n\ntest(\"count lines separated by \\\\r\\\\n\", () => {\n expect(countLines(\"hello world I am here\\r\\nout there\")).toBe(2);\n});\n"
},
{
"path": "tests/words.test.ts",
"content": "import { test, expect } from \"vitest\";\nimport { countWords } from \"../src\";\n\ntest(\"text separated with whitespace\", () => {\n expect(countWords(\"hello world I am here\")).toBe(5);\n});\n\ntest(\"text separated by punctuation & no whitespace\", () => {\n expect(\n countWords(\n \"hello,world,I,am,here.What,are you doing?I*don't,care.This.is.a.new world.\"\n )\n ).toBe(17);\n});\n\ntest(\"text separated by punctuation & whitespace\", () => {\n expect(\n countWords(\n \"hello world, I am here. What are you doing? I don't care. This is a new world.\"\n )\n ).toBe(17);\n});\n\ntest(\"text separated by new lines\", () => {\n expect(countWords(\"hello\\nworld\\nmy name is\")).toBe(5);\n});\n\ntest(\"text separated by tabs\", () => {\n expect(countWords(\"hello\\tworld\\tmy\\tname\\tis\\tworld\")).toBe(6);\n});\n\ntest(\"text separated by extra whitespace\", () => {\n expect(countWords(\"hello world i am\")).toBe(4);\n});\n\ntest(\"text separated by punctuation & whitespace together\", () => {\n expect(countWords(\"hello: world\")).toBe(2);\n});\n\ntest(\"text separated leading & trailing whitespace\", () => {\n expect(countWords(\" hello world \")).toBe(2);\n});\n\ntest(\"chinese text\", () => {\n expect(countWords(\"始计\")).toBe(2);\n});\n\ntest(\"chinese text with punctuation & whitespace\", () => {\n expect(countWords(\"夫未战而庙算胜者，得算多也\")).toBe(12);\n});\n\nconst languages = {\n khmer: [`អ្នកសុខសប្បាយទេ`, 15],\n thai: [`สบายดีไหม`, 9],\n lao: [`ສະບາຍດີບໍ?`, 9],\n};\nfor (let lang in languages) {\n test(`${lang} text`, () => {\n const [text, expected] = languages[lang];\n expect(countWords(text)).toBe(expected);\n });\n}\n"
},
{
"path": "tsconfig.json",
"content": "{\n \"compilerOptions\": {\n /* Visit https://aka.ms/tsconfig to read more about this file */\n\n /* Projects */\n // \"incremental\": true, /* Save .tsbuildinfo files to allow for incremental compilation of projects. */\n // \"composite\": true, /* Enable constraints that allow a TypeScript project to be used with project references. */\n // \"tsBuildInfoFile\": \"./.tsbuildinfo\", /* Specify the path to .tsbuildinfo incremental compilation file. */\n // \"disableSourceOfProjectReferenceRedirect\": true, /* Disable preferring source files instead of declaration files when referencing composite projects. */\n // \"disableSolutionSearching\": true, /* Opt a project out of multi-project reference checking when editing. */\n // \"disableReferencedProjectLoad\": true, /* Reduce the number of projects loaded automatically by TypeScript. */\n\n /* Language and Environment */\n \"target\": \"es2016\" /* Set the JavaScript language version for emitted JavaScript and include compatible library declarations. */,\n // \"lib\": [], /* Specify a set of bundled library declaration files that describe the target runtime environment. */\n // \"jsx\": \"preserve\", /* Specify what JSX code is generated. */\n // \"experimentalDecorators\": true, /* Enable experimental support for legacy experimental decorators. */\n // \"emitDecoratorMetadata\": true, /* Emit design-type metadata for decorated declarations in source files. */\n // \"jsxFactory\": \"\", /* Specify the JSX factory function used when targeting React JSX emit, e.g. 'React.createElement' or 'h'. */\n // \"jsxFragmentFactory\": \"\", /* Specify the JSX Fragment reference used for fragments when targeting React JSX emit e.g. 'React.Fragment' or 'Fragment'. */\n // \"jsxImportSource\": \"\", /* Specify module specifier used to import the JSX factory functions when using 'jsx: react-jsx*'. */\n // \"reactNamespace\": \"\", /* Specify the object invoked for 'createElement'. This only applies when targeting 'react' JSX emit. */\n // \"noLib\": true, /* Disable including any library files, including the default lib.d.ts. */\n // \"useDefineForClassFields\": true, /* Emit ECMAScript-standard-compliant class fields. */\n // \"moduleDetection\": \"auto\", /* Control what method is used to detect module-format JS files. */\n\n /* Modules */\n \"module\": \"commonjs\" /* Specify what module code is generated. */,\n // \"rootDir\": \"./\", /* Specify the root folder within your source files. */\n // \"moduleResolution\": \"node10\", /* Specify how TypeScript looks up a file from a given module specifier. */\n // \"baseUrl\": \"./\", /* Specify the base directory to resolve non-relative module names. */\n // \"paths\": {}, /* Specify a set of entries that re-map imports to additional lookup locations. */\n // \"rootDirs\": [], /* Allow multiple folders to be treated as one when resolving modules. */\n // \"typeRoots\": [], /* Specify multiple folders that act like './node_modules/@types'. */\n // \"types\": [], /* Specify type package names to be included without being referenced in a source file. */\n // \"allowUmdGlobalAccess\": true, /* Allow accessing UMD globals from modules. */\n // \"moduleSuffixes\": [], /* List of file name suffixes to search when resolving a module. */\n // \"allowImportingTsExtensions\": true, /* Allow imports to include TypeScript file extensions. Requires '--moduleResolution bundler' and either '--noEmit' or '--emitDeclarationOnly' to be set. */\n // \"resolvePackageJsonExports\": true, /* Use the package.json 'exports' field when resolving package imports. */\n // \"resolvePackageJsonImports\": true, /* Use the package.json 'imports' field when resolving imports. */\n // \"customConditions\": [], /* Conditions to set in addition to the resolver-specific defaults when resolving imports. */\n // \"resolveJsonModule\": true, /* Enable importing .json files. */\n // \"allowArbitraryExtensions\": true, /* Enable importing files with any extension, provided a declaration file is present. */\n // \"noResolve\": true, /* Disallow 'import's, 'require's or ''s from expanding the number of files TypeScript should add to a project. */\n\n /* JavaScript Support */\n // \"allowJs\": true, /* Allow JavaScript files to be a part of your program. Use the 'checkJS' option to get errors from these files. */\n // \"checkJs\": true, /* Enable error reporting in type-checked JavaScript files. */\n // \"maxNodeModuleJsDepth\": 1, /* Specify the maximum folder depth used for checking JavaScript files from 'node_modules'. Only applicable with 'allowJs'. */\n\n /* Emit */\n \"declaration\": true /* Generate .d.ts files from TypeScript and JavaScript files in your project. */,\n // \"declarationMap\": true, /* Create sourcemaps for d.ts files. */\n // \"emitDeclarationOnly\": true, /* Only output d.ts files and not JavaScript files. */\n // \"sourceMap\": true, /* Create source map files for emitted JavaScript files. */\n // \"inlineSourceMap\": true, /* Include sourcemap files inside the emitted JavaScript. */\n // \"outFile\": \"./\", /* Specify a file that bundles all outputs into one JavaScript file. If 'declaration' is true, also designates a file that bundles all .d.ts output. */\n \"outDir\": \"./dist/\" /* Specify an output folder for all emitted files. */,\n // \"removeComments\": true, /* Disable emitting comments. */\n // \"noEmit\": true, /* Disable emitting files from a compilation. */\n // \"importHelpers\": true, /* Allow importing helper functions from tslib once per project, instead of including them per-file. */\n // \"importsNotUsedAsValues\": \"remove\", /* Specify emit/checking behavior for imports that are only used for types. */\n // \"downlevelIteration\": true, /* Emit more compliant, but verbose and less performant JavaScript for iteration. */\n // \"sourceRoot\": \"\", /* Specify the root path for debuggers to find the reference source code. */\n // \"mapRoot\": \"\", /* Specify the location where debugger should locate map files instead of generated locations. */\n // \"inlineSources\": true, /* Include source code in the sourcemaps inside the emitted JavaScript. */\n // \"emitBOM\": true, /* Emit a UTF-8 Byte Order Mark (BOM) in the beginning of output files. */\n // \"newLine\": \"crlf\", /* Set the newline character for emitting files. */\n // \"stripInternal\": true, /* Disable emitting declarations that have '@internal' in their JSDoc comments. */\n // \"noEmitHelpers\": true, /* Disable generating custom helper functions like '__extends' in compiled output. */\n // \"noEmitOnError\": true, /* Disable emitting files if any type checking errors are reported. */\n // \"preserveConstEnums\": true, /* Disable erasing 'const enum' declarations in generated code. */\n // \"declarationDir\": \"./\", /* Specify the output directory for generated declaration files. */\n // \"preserveValueImports\": true, /* Preserve unused imported values in the JavaScript output that would otherwise be removed. */\n\n /* Interop Constraints */\n // \"isolatedModules\": true, /* Ensure that each file can be safely transpiled without relying on other imports. */\n // \"verbatimModuleSyntax\": true, /* Do not transform or elide any imports or exports not marked as type-only, ensuring they are written in the output file's format based on the 'module' setting. */\n // \"allowSyntheticDefaultImports\": true, /* Allow 'import x from y' when a module doesn't have a default export. */\n \"esModuleInterop\": true /* Emit additional JavaScript to ease support for importing CommonJS modules. This enables 'allowSyntheticDefaultImports' for type compatibility. */,\n // \"preserveSymlinks\": true, /* Disable resolving symlinks to their realpath. This correlates to the same flag in node. */\n \"forceConsistentCasingInFileNames\": true /* Ensure that casing is correct in imports. */,\n\n /* Type Checking */\n \"strict\": true /* Enable all strict type-checking options. */,\n // \"noImplicitAny\": true, /* Enable error reporting for expressions and declarations with an implied 'any' type. */\n // \"strictNullChecks\": true, /* When type checking, take into account 'null' and 'undefined'. */\n // \"strictFunctionTypes\": true, /* When assigning functions, check to ensure parameters and the return values are subtype-compatible. */\n // \"strictBindCallApply\": true, /* Check that the arguments for 'bind', 'call', and 'apply' methods match the original function. */\n // \"strictPropertyInitialization\": true, /* Check for class properties that are declared but not set in the constructor. */\n // \"noImplicitThis\": true, /* Enable error reporting when 'this' is given the type 'any'. */\n // \"useUnknownInCatchVariables\": true, /* Default catch clause variables as 'unknown' instead of 'any'. */\n // \"alwaysStrict\": true, /* Ensure 'use strict' is always emitted. */\n // \"noUnusedLocals\": true, /* Enable error reporting when local variables aren't read. */\n // \"noUnusedParameters\": true, /* Raise an error when a function parameter isn't read. */\n // \"exactOptionalPropertyTypes\": true, /* Interpret optional property types as written, rather than adding 'undefined'. */\n // \"noImplicitReturns\": true, /* Enable error reporting for codepaths that do not explicitly return in a function. */\n // \"noFallthroughCasesInSwitch\": true, /* Enable error reporting for fallthrough cases in switch statements. */\n // \"noUncheckedIndexedAccess\": true, /* Add 'undefined' to a type when accessed using an index. */\n // \"noImplicitOverride\": true, /* Ensure overriding members in derived classes are marked with an override modifier. */\n // \"noPropertyAccessFromIndexSignature\": true, /* Enforces using indexed accessors for keys declared using an indexed type. */\n // \"allowUnusedLabels\": true, /* Disable error reporting for unused labels. */\n // \"allowUnreachableCode\": true, /* Disable error reporting for unreachable code. */\n\n /* Completeness */\n // \"skipDefaultLibCheck\": true, /* Skip type checking .d.ts files that are included with TypeScript. */\n \"skipLibCheck\": true /* Skip type checking all .d.ts files. */\n },\n \"include\": [\"src/\"]\n}\n"
},
{
"path": "vitest.config.ts",
"content": "import { defineConfig } from \"vite\";\n\nexport default defineConfig({\n test: {\n coverage: {\n provider: \"c8\",\n reporter: [\"lcov\", \"text\"],\n },\n },\n});\n"
}
]